‘Birds of a feather stick together’? Negotiating community, family and intimate relationships between ‘established’ and ‘newcomer’ Caribbean migrants in Britain

Abstract

This article explores the ‘invisible’ boundary separating and informing social relations among ‘established’ and ‘newcomer’ Caribbean migrant communities in Britain. To briefly note, ‘established’ migrants are characterised in the analysis as those Caribbean migrants who settled in Britain from the 1940s, their offspring and subsequent generations. In contrast, the ‘newcomer’ represents a new influx of Caribbean that arrived and settled in Britain from the late 1990s onwards, either with a legal or illegal resident status. The common assumption is that ‘established’ and ‘newcomer’ groups are bonded together through shared cultural and ethnic background. Therefore any differences that exist between the two groups tend to be ignored because it is assumed that the newcomers are automatically absorbed into existing Caribbean communities. However, this empirical study of Caribbean families suggests that inherent differences exist between these two groups. To discuss issues of intra-ethnic diversity the analysis is guided by a social capital approach. It also draws on the views and perspectives of Caribbean people to highlight the social hierarchies and cultural stereotypes that exist between ‘established’ and ‘newcomer’ migrants. Concentrating on the ‘invisible’ and intra-ethnic boundaries between the ‘established’ and ‘newcomer’ migrants, the discussion explores issues of change and continuity, and also problems and opportunities that emerge within Caribbean family networks and their intimate relationships.

Cet article explore le'invisible' frontière séparant et d'informer les relations sociales entre les «établie» et «nouveaux arrivants» Caraïbes communautés migrantes en Grande-Bretagne. À noter brièvement,'établi' migrants sont caractérisés dans l'analyse que ces migrants des Caraïbes qui réglé en Grande-Bretagne depuis les années 1940, leur descendance et les générations ultérieures. En revanche, les «nouveaux arrivants' représentant un afflux de nouveaux des Caraïbes qui seulement sont arrivés et réglés en Grande-Bretagne depuis les années 1990, soit avec un statut de résident légal ou illégal. L'hypothèse commune est que «établie» et «nouveaux arrivants» groupes sont bloquées ensemble via partagé arrière-plan culturel et ethnique. Donc toutes les différences qui existent entre les deux groupes ont tendance à être ignoré, et les nouveaux arrivants sont automatiquement absorbés et subsumés des communautés des Caraïbes existantes. Cette étude empirique des Caraïbes de migrants et de la descendance dans leurs familles et leurs relations intimes donne à penser qu'il existe des différences inhérentes entre ces deux groupes. Il s'appuie sur les vues et les perspectives du peuple des Caraïbes pour mettre en surbrillance les hiérarchies sociales et les stéréotypes culturels qui existent entre les migrants'établi' et'nouveaux arrivants.. La discussion se concentrant sur les frontières entre les migrants'établies' et'nouveaux arrivants' de'invisibles' et intra-ethnic, également explorer les questions du changement et la continuité d'activité, les problèmes et opportunités qui émergent dans les Caraïbes réseaux familiaux et les relations intimes.

Keywords:

• Caribbean families
• migration
• intra-ethnic
• ‘established’ and ‘newcomer’ migrants
• social capital

Mots-clés:

• familles des Caraïbes
• migration
• intra-ethnic
• établie et de nouveaux arrivants migrants

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Dr David Owen for his assistance with demographic data and statistical information on Caribbean migration patterns in Britain from the 1990s onwards.

Notes

1. In this original study the sample was comprised of 30 young people (aged 16–30 years old) and 50 kinship/family members across all age groups.

2. A non-purposive method of sampling (snowballing) was used to select sample across these contrasting urban locations in Britain where there is a high pattern of Caribbean settlement. In London interviews took place with 25 family members, in Birmingham and Manchester I interviewed 10 family members in each of these areas, and in Nottingham interviews took place with five family members.

3. These countries also present an interesting contrast in terms of ethnic composition of the population. While Barbados is more or less mono-ethnic, comprising people of African descent, both Jamaica and Guyana are ethnically mixed. For example, 51% of population of Guyana originate from Indian sub-continent, African descendants are the second largest group and there exist small but substantial proportion of Amerindians, Syrians and Madeirans. In Jamaica people come from backgrounds as ethnically diverse as Africa, Europe, and South East Asia, China (Goulbourne, 2002).

4. This figure excludes Caribbean nationals entering Britain illegally, and those granted leave to enter the UK on temporary, visitor or student visas, and also exceptional cases, for example, seeking asylum (Control of Immigration Statistics United Kingdom, 2007).

5. During this period 4655 nationals arrived from Trinidad and Tobago; 2290 nationals from Guyana; 1165 nationals from Barbados and the remainder of Caribbean nationals were recorded at 13,495 (Control of Immigration Statistics United Kingdom, 2007).

6. Caribbean communities were recorded at the turn of the twentieth century in the port towns and cities of Bristol, Cardiff and Liverpool. However, the period of the late 1940s to 1960s is politically and historically acknowledged as the key phase of Caribbean migration and settlement (Goulbourne, 2002).

7. Colloquial term commonly used by migrants and offspring to describe Jamaica or to a lesser extent other Caribbean territories.

8. Derogatory term used by Caribbeans to refer to homosexual men.