Trendsetting Learning Biographies: Concepts of Navigating through Late-modern Life and Learning

Abstract

In this article we build a theoretical framework with which to analyse trendsetting learning biographies; that is, biographies that are prototypical realisations of a cultural script about how young people learn and live in late modernity. In the current debate on lifelong learning in knowledge-based societies learners are interpreted in an economical and psychological sense. Notions from youth, life course, and generation sociology are, however, needed to fully understand trendsetting learning biographies. We selected 14 Dutch younger adults (varying by class and gender) with these biographies, analysed their biographical narrations, and explored the importance of structure and agency in their learning biographies. Their life stories reveal a structured interrelation between an integrated life conception, special forms of social capital, and the key competence of biographicity. We conclude with some thought on the complications of theory building when interpreting learners in a biographical sense.

Notes

1. This project was undertaken towards a PhD of the first author financially supported by Fontys University. We gratefully acknowledge their support.

2. Both this scheme and the other are based on an extensive literature review. In this article we have to be brief and highlight only a selection of published sources from this review; that is, sources that are most typical for the concepts and expectations in the discourses.

3. Lankhuijzen (2002) argues that there are little theoretical or empirical arguments to assume that non-formal learning has compensating effects on labour market participation (compensation hypothesis). High engagement levels in all types of learning are important (interdependency hypothesis) with still the strongest relevance of formal learning.

4. For the sake of brevity we perceive this as one discourse. In reality there are many discourses within youth and life-course sociology studying different fields and aspects from different disciplines.

5. One female and two male respondents from the highest social background have less cultural capital compared with their parents. In more than one respect they divert from the other respondents. They served as contrast cases (Strauss & Corbin 1998).

6. These are of course provisional indications of their work only. Many make different cross-overs between these professions or switch from one to another in the course of their life. Only the three contrast cases are not self-employed and two of them work in the service instead of creative sector.

7. Except for two of the three contrast cases.

8. The three contrast cases are relatively non-entrepreneurial in their leisure life and just do little.

9. The contrast cases are truly fed up with school and end up in a low-skilled job, much to their own dislike as after some years they feel to be underperforming.

10. The network of the contrast cases is either local, family centred and one-sided (the horeca sector) or of an anti-school and anti-societal youth cultural nature that kept them from investing in learning trajectories. Later they develop a partner-centred network.

11. In the interviews these topics, and in general the issue of structure and meaning of learning trajectories, were mentioned by the respondents at various mixed moments. It is only for analytical reasons that we disentangle them here.

12. Except for the two male contrast cases, thinking more in traditional transitions and seeing study as a way to get a proper job.

13. Not only their network itself is smaller and more homogeneous, but the contrast cases also contribute less meaning to their network and do not experience a lot of information and support potential of their network.

14. They display receptiveness for generation perspectives by addressing societal context of their trajectories and referring to a distinctive biographical orientation (the previously mentioned ‘mix’, ‘and–and’ or bicolage approach). They regard themselves as a learning and work-related elite sharing a similar life concept and lifestyle more than a generation unit in Mannheimiaan meaning that is a collective in an ideological or political sense.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Isabelle Diepstraten

Isabelle Diepstraten is at Fontys University of Professional Education, Tilburg, Netherlands

Manuela du Bois-Reymond

Manuela du Bois-Reymond is at Leiden University, Leiden, Netherlands

Henk Vinken

Henk Vinken is at Tilburg University, Tilburg, Netherlands and Komazawa University, Tokyo, Japan