Group lifestyle mobilities: understanding Chinese senior long-stay tourists in rural destinations

ABSTRACT

Existing work on senior lifestyle mobilities in China has predominantly focused on therapeutic landscape imaginaries and second-home cities. This paper shifts the focus to the group-oriented lifestyle pursuits of Chinese urban seniors who temporarily reside in rural areas for extended vacations. By interviewing Chinese senior long-stay tourists in rural destinations, this study examines how their decisions to engage in long-stay tourism are driven by the quest for a communal leisure lifestyle characterised by group living routines and a sense of camaraderie. Our findings highlight the role of geo-arbitrage in facilitating and accommodating these group-oriented mobility patterns among senior tourists. Yet, their mobile later life experiences are also marked by precariousness and vulnerability due to individual and group-level health decline, as well as the disparities in senior care services between urban and rural regions in China.

KEYWORDS:

• Senior tourists
• long-stay tourism
• lifestyle mobilities
• geo-arbitrage
• rural destinations
• China

Introduction

China has one of the fastest-growing ageing populations globally (WHO, 2015). Concurrently, it has witnessed a rise in older adults travelling to and temporarily residing in places away from their permanent residence for lifestyle-oriented purposes, such as leisure and health enhancement (Chen & Wang, 2022; Xu & Wu, 2016). While current literature on senior long-stay tourism in China has primarily focused on seasonal migrants or ‘snowbirds’ who own second homes in southern coastal cities such as Sanya, the temporary residence of senior tourists in rural areas has been largely overlooked (Cheng & Yang, 2021; Lyu et al., 2021). Encouraging an ageing demographic to vacation in rural areas has been proposed as a potential approach in China to tackle the challenges associated with population ageing. This aligns with national strategies aimed at proactively addressing population ageing and rural revitalisation (Pan et al., 2021).

Long-stay tourism, albeit relatively underexplored, has gained significant attention due to its expanding scale and impact (Anantamongkolkul et al., 2019; Lyu et al., 2021). This concept originates from the practice of seasonal tourism, where individuals would travel to warmer regions during winter and cooler areas during summer (Smith & House, 2006). Long-stay tourists choose to temporarily or seasonally settle in tourism destinations driven by a desire for a particular lifestyle (Benson & O’Reilly, 2016). Scholarly literature often examines these individuals through the lens of lifestyle mobilities or lifestyle migration (Benson & O’Reilly, 2009; Cohen et al., 2015). While lifestyle migrants typically own a second home in their preferred destination, affording them a relatively stable base, lifestyle mobilisers normally do not possess a property and have greater flexibility in selecting destinations and accommodations (Cohen et al., 2015; Lyu et al., 2021).

The distinct urban-rural dual structure and socio-economic landscape in China shape the unique characteristics of rural long-stay tourism compared to Western nations (Cheng et al., 2020; Pan et al., 2021). In China, land in rural regions is collectively owned, with strict regulations prohibiting trading for real estate purposes. Consequently, senior tourists often choose to stay in nongjiale (农家乐, in Chinese refers to happy family homes), a prevalent form of rural tourism homestays, during their extended holidays. This sets their experiences apart from retirees in Western countries who may own countryside villas or vacation homes as their later-life residences (Vepsäläinen & Pitkänen, 2010). The temporary nature of these homestays points to the conceptual salience of lifestyle mobilities rather than lifestyle migration (Cohen et al., 2015). Moreover, unlike the second-home tourism prevalent in urban areas of China, where properties are often purposefully constructed as apartments within high-rise buildings in gated communities (Wu et al., 2015; Salazar & Zhang, 2013), nongjiale provide a unique option for Chinese senior tourists seeking temporary residence in rural areas, offering a perceived authentic rural setting along with cost-effective travel service packages.

Notably, group travel is customary among older Chinese adults in rural long-stay tourism settings, diverging from the individualistic tendencies observed in previous lifestyle mobilities studies (Cohen et al., 2015; Liu et al., 2023a). Given the salience of cultural differences between China and the ‘Western’ world, more attention should be given to lifestyle movements that take place in groups (Cohen & Cohen, 2015). Despite recognition that Chinese seniors prefer to travel in self-organised groups, studies have yet to examine how group orientation affect the prolonged vacation experience.

Accordingly, this study focuses on senior group long-stay tourism in rural China and aims to explore its unique characteristics and practices. It addresses three main questions: (a) Why do senior Chinese individuals gather together and travel to rural destinations for extended vacation? (b) How do they spend their group-oriented days during their extended stays in rural areas? And (c) Why do they choose to end their group long-stay tourism? By scrutinising this unconventional form of later-life mobilities through a theoretical lens of lifestyle mobilities, the study intends to provide a deeper understanding of the experiences of senior tourists who temporarily reside in rural areas in China. The research findings, derived from semi-structured interviews and observations with Chinese senior long-stay rural tourists, are expected to shed light on the theoretical interplay between group-oriented lifestyle pursuits, long-stay tourism, population ageing, and rural revitalisation. Furthermore, the findings can inform future policies and strategies aimed at promoting sustainable and inclusive rural tourism development while addressing the potential benefits and challenges associated with this form of tourism.

This paper is organised as follows. The literature review section summarises previous studies on long-stay tourism and lifestyle mobilities, with a particular focus on the Chinese context and rural long-stay settings. The methodology section introduces the research design and method of data analysis. The findings are then presented based on data derived from the interviews and observations, before concluding with the study’s theoretical contributions and practical implications.

Literature Review

Long-stay tourism and lifestyle mobilities

Long-stay tourism, positioned between short-term tourism and permanent migration, represents a form of discretionary mobility with an indeterminate duration ranging from weeks to months (Castilla-Polo et al., 2023). Long-stay tourism is one form of lifestyle mobility or lifestyle migration, typically characterised by a seasonal pattern (Benson & O’Reilly, 2009; Cohen et al., 2015). Despite its significance, this prolonged vacation has received relatively limited attention within conventional tourism typologies, leading to diverse terms used to encapsulate it, such as seasonal migration (McHugh & Mings, 1991), second-home tourism (Hall & Müller, 2004), amenity migration (Gurran, 2008), lifestyle migration (Benson & O’Reilly, 2009) and lifestyle mobilities (Cohen et al., 2015). Despite differences in research perspectives and emphases, these instances share the commonality that the tourists typically possess a certain affluence level and seek an improved lifestyle.

Recent literature on long-stay tourism is reflective of the mobility turn in the social sciences. As a lifestyle-driven form of mobility, long-stay tourism represents strategies employed by individuals with relative privilege, encompassing economic, human and political capital, to escape pressures in their original places of residence, such as habitual life burdens and the ‘rat race’ (Benson & O’Reilly, 2009; Xu et al., 2018). Simultaneously, they benefit from the advantages of the host society, often including a more relaxed pace of life, lower property prices and cost of living, and favourable climate and health conditions (Chen & Bao, 2021; Kou et al., 2017). Thus, they can benefit from the ‘best of both worlds’ in the pursuit of the ‘good life’ (Åkerlund, 2017; Åkerlund & Sandberg, 2015). This reflects the concept of ‘geo-arbitrage’, proposed by Hayes (2014), which emphasises how individuals strategically respond to structural inequalities and geographic variations in living costs.

Long-stay tourism furthermore challenges the conventional notion of home as a singular entity and exerts profound effects on individual identity, sense of belonging and place attachment, particularly in the context of second-home tourism (Chen & Bao, 2021; Wang et al., 2023; Wu et al., 2018). Long-stay tourism reflects and further accelerates the ongoing transformation of ‘liquid modernity’, blurring the boundaries between home and away, work and leisure, production and consumption, while foregrounding lifestyle dimensions (Bauman, 2000; Wu et al., 2015).

There are substantial socio-physical impacts on host communities due to long-stay tourism. In general, these lifestyle-driven flows are predominantly from the global north to south and from metropolitan areas towards rural regions, exemplifying downward social mobility (Vepsäläinen & Pitkänen, 2010). Despite actively distancing themselves from mass tourists, long-stay tourists may also show disinterest in local culture and integration (Anantamongkolkul et al., 2019; Salazar & Zhang, 2013; Wu & Xu, 2019). Given the attraction of long-stay tourists to specific climate conditions, natural beauty and cultural factors, long-stay tourism can lead to shifts in resource allocation and land use within destinations (Kocabıyık & Loopmans, 2021). For example, purpose-built second-home properties in gated communities may not only escalate housing prices and restrict land supply but also exacerbate spatial differentiation and social disparities between long-stay tourists and local residents, further deepening societal divisions (Larsson & Müller, 2019; Yang et al., 2024).

The senior population constitutes a significant segment of the long-stay tourism market owing to their abundant discretionary time, and for some, financial resources. Existing research on senior long-stay tourism has predominantly focused on developed countries and international travel, highlighting the distinct characteristics of elderly long-stayers across nations (Castilla-Polo et al., 2023). In North America, particular attention is given to ‘snowbirds’ who migrate to coastal areas in Mexico or sunbelt regions, engaging in community-based leisure activities during their ‘third stage of life’ (Smith & House, 2006). In Europe, the cultural tradition of owning vacation homes (second residences) along the Mediterranean coast or in mountainous rural areas is deeply ingrained (Larsson & Müller, 2019). Australia has seen the popularity of recreational vehicle travel among retirees, embodying the notion of ‘grey nomads’ (Hillman, 2013). Additionally, Japanese retirees increasingly relocate to Southeast Asia, attracted by policy preferences and the availability of medical services in destinations such as Malaysia (Ono, 2015). While these veins of research in largely Western contexts have focused on lifestyle factors in evoking senior long-stay tourism, there is a growing need to consider cultural differences in later-life mobilities, especially in developing countries like China (Cohen & Cohen, 2015). As more elderly individuals from diverse cultural backgrounds engage in long-stay tourism, it is essential to explore how societal norms and traditions impact their travel choices and experiences (Wang et al., 2023; Xu & Wu, 2016).

Later-life mobilities and long-stay tourism in China

In contemporary China, as the process of social modernisation unfolds, traditional family-based elderly care is eroding, and the reluctance to relocate and preference for rootedness in later life is fading (Li & Chan, 2021). The rapid increase in the aging population is intricately intertwined with the growing mobility of the elderly, posing a challenge for elderly care due to the current deficiencies in institutionalised care services (Pan et al., 2021). Instead, a growing number of older adults in China are actively seeking a desired lifestyle during their later years by engaging in long-stay tourism (Li & Chan, 2021; Xu & Wu, 2016).

Similar to international retirement mobilities, domestic senior mobilities within China exhibit a north-to-south trajectory (Yang et al., 2024). These elderly individuals are often referred to as seasonal lifestyle migrants or Houniao (snowbirds) in related studies (Chen, 2020; Wu et al., 2018). They own or long-term lease second homes in these destinations, utilising them as winter retreats to evade the cold before returning to their primary residences in summer to escape the heat, thereby enjoying the ‘best of both worlds’ (Chen & Bao, 2021; Kou et al., 2017). These second abodes are often situated within gated communities, separated from the local community and forming enclaves (Wu et al., 2015). Snowbirds often establish social circles, known as quanzi (圈子, in Chinese), with like-minded peers such as the laoxiang (老乡, in Chinese refers to individuals hailing from the same region), though these social connections are often perceived as transient and superficial (Kou et al., 2017; Wu et al., 2015). They facilitate their emplacement through forging on-site social circles with other long-stayers and reproducing their accustomed routine leisure activities (Chen, 2020; Salazar & Zhang, 2013). While some individuals effortlessly transition between the identities of permanent residents and seasonal migrants, forming attachments to both locales (Chen & Wang, 2022; Wu & Xu, 2019), others face challenges in integrating into the host society and adapting to the oscillations inherent in seasonal lifestyles (Kou et al., 2017; Kou et al., 2018).

In Western countries, retirees often travel in search of a leisurely lifestyle once they are freed from work obligations (Åkerlund, 2017). However, in China, lifestyle-driven tourism is more commonly observed among elderly individuals once they are relieved from the duty of caring for their grandchildren (Li & Chan, 2021). They tend to choose tourist destinations with therapeutic landscapes for extended vacations, primarily aiming to improve their health and wellbeing (Huang & Xu, 2018; Zhou et al., 2018). Often, this choice is compelled by the need to escape unfavorable environments in their home cities, such as harsh climates (Chen & Wang, 2022). While studies generally indicate that long-stay tourism can enhance the physical health of the elderly population through the healing power of nature (Chen & Wang, 2022), research also suggests that senior long-stayers may experience a decline in subjective wellbeing due to difficulties in establishing close bonds, maintaining self-continuities, and adapting to a mobile lifestyle (Kou et al., 2017; Kou et al., 2018; Wang et al., 2023).

Overall, current research in China has explored various aspects of senior long-stay tourism, including snowbirds’ health practices, home – and place-making processes in second residences, and socio-economic impacts on host communities. While these studies offer valuable insights into the experiences of elderly seasonal migrants, there remains a need to further investigate the phenomenon of counter-urban lifestyle mobilities among Chinese seniors to gain a more comprehensive understanding of this burgeoning trend (Liu et al., 2023b).

Elderly long-stay tourism in rural China

The phenomenon of prolonged rural vacations among elderly urban dwellers in China has garnered increased attention in recent years. This trend entails older urbanities temporarily relocating to the countryside to savor a leisurely lifestyle distinct from the hustle and bustle of city life, while engaging in supplemental tourism activities (Cheng et al., 2020; Lyu et al., 2021). Long-stay tourism in rural China presents a unique contrast to that in Western nations and the second-home tourism prevalent in southeastern China. The restriction on property ownership transfer in rural China compels elderly tourists to opt for temporary rural accommodations rather than owning vacation homes (Cheng et al., 2020; Liu et al., 2023a). Attracting older tourists to rural areas for prolonged vacations has been viewed as a strategic response in China to address challenges associated with an ageing population alongside a scarcity of elderly care services in rural regions (Pan et al., 2021). The intrinsic value derived from natural amenities and rurality contributes to the capacity of rural areas to meet the demand for long-stay vacations among elderly tourists (Cheng et al., 2020; Cheng & Yang, 2021). Long-stay tourists often prioritise immersing themselves in rural life over conventional tourist attractions, potentially alleviating concerns of displacement highlighted in existing literature while presenting opportunities for consumption-driven revitalisation of rural areas with limited tourism resources (Chen, 2020; Cheng et al., 2020).

While existing studies, albeit limited in scope, have provided valuable insights into the long-stay travel motives and socio-economic profiles of elderly vacationers to rural China, they have primarily focused on motivations rather than the duration of stay to differentiate long-stay tourism from shorter trips. In these studies, some research participants only stayed in rural destinations for two nights (Cheng et al., 2020; Liu et al., 2023a, 2023b), which provides a limited understanding of prolonged vacations in rural China. Moreover, recent research has shed light on the feature of group movement among elderly urbanites in rural long-stay tourism settings, yet dedicated research on this group orientation remains scarce (Cheng et al., 2022; Liu et al., 2023b). The significance of social interaction for elderly long-stayers in China has been emphasised in previous literature, whether in second-home cities or rural scenarios (Kou et al., 2017; Kou et al., 2018; Li & Chan, 2021). Consequently, further exploration is needed to better understand group-oriented long-stay tourism in rural regions among elderly Chinese tourists.

Methodology

Research design

Interpretivism was utilised in this study due to its recognition and embracement of multiple socially constructed realities (Willis et al., 2007). Based on this paradigmatic stance, our research adopted a qualitative approach, specifically employing interviews and observation, to uncover the intricate complexities surrounding long-stay vacations of Chinese group senior tourists in rural destinations. The interview programme aimed to encourage participants to share their personal stories regarding their motivations for participating in group long-stay vacations in rural areas, their daily routines and experiences on sites, and their aspirations for any future group travel plans. The focus was specifically on their experiences at the rural destination.

In recent years, rural tourism in China has been undergoing a shift from mass tourism to extended vacations, and this trend is prominent in Zhejiang province (Cheng & Yang, 2021). Three mountainous villages in northern Hangzhou, the provincial capital of Zhejiang, namely Baisha, Linjiatang, and Xiyou, were visited by the lead author (Figure 1). These villages are situated around the Tianmu Mountain Scenic Area and are renowned for their enchanting natural landscape, well-established accommodation services, and diverse scenic attractions. As a result, they have gained popularity among elderly tourists from the Yangtze River Delta region and they are now sought-after summer vacation destinations (Li et al., 2021).

Figure 1. The location of study area.

The lead author, a younger Chinese woman, resided in nongjiale at each site for a minimum of six days to observe and gather interview material. Shortly after commencing the trip, observations were made of the daily routines of tourists, their leisure and social behaviour, and the provision of accommodation services by the local villagers. These observations were documented in the field notes, which spanned approximately 30 A4 pages. The detailed notes revealed the paramount importance of group orientation in rural long-stay tourism among elderly tourists. This largely inductive field insight led to a focusing of the research around this important theme of group orientation. While residing in the observation sites, she engaged in conversations with the hosts whenever available and hung around the villages at different times to observe group tourist behaviour. This immersive approach allowed the lead author to become acquainted with the lifestyles of the potential respondents. Subsequently, she approached potential interviewees outside the door of each nongjiale and requested face-to-face interviews, providing an introduction of herself and the research project. The majority of respondents (N = 16) were approached on-site and their participation in the interviews was voluntary.

Participant recruitment in this study utilised a combination of convenience and snowball sampling techniques. To ensure sample diversity, only one tourist from each travel group, which typically consisted of 10–20 individuals, was invited to participate, as communal groups may share similar backgrounds and experiences. Generally, only one travel group stayed at each nongjiale. It is important to note that not all respondents were initially approached by the lead author; some were recommended by their travel group and willingly accepted the interview request. To ensure a conducive environment for the interviews, private rooms or quiet public spaces were selected to minimise disruptions. Additionally, WeChat voice call or phone interviews were conducted with participants approached through further snowball sampling (N = 6) for greater accessibility and convenience given they were not at the destination when contacted. All interviews were conducted in Mandarin by the lead author and were voice recorded with participants’ consent, each lasting 25-60 minutes. The interviews were conducted following the ethical guidelines of the lead author’s university.

Data analysis

A total of 22 semi-structured interviews were conducted with senior tourists from June through August 2021. The participants included 12 women and 10 men, all of whom originated from cities within the Yangtze River Delta region. Their ages ranged from 58–85 years old, with 10 participants in their 60s, five in their 70s, six in their 80s, and one in her late 50s. Aligning with the criterion of 10 days for differentiation between long-stay tourism and short travel suggested by Lyu et al. (2021), all participants had engaged in rural holidays for more than two weeks, with 14 of them staying over a month. None were first-time rural long-stay vacationers. They had all been retired for several years and relied on their retirement pensions, either individually or as couples, to cover their travel expenses.

Thematic analysis, a method recognised for its suitability in qualitative research (Patton, 2014), was used to analyse the observational data and to inductively identify themes from our interview data. This approach involved a structured analysis process, including discovery, interpretation, and reporting phases (Braun & Clarke, 2006), tailored to reveal essential content and recurring patterns within the dataset. To ensure the reliability and trustworthiness of our findings, we integrated theoretical and analyst triangulation techniques. Through this rigorous process, we discerned key themes that encapsulate the experiences of senior group long-stay tourism in rural China.

While our interview questions have revolved around the motives and practices of travelling to and temporarily residing in the countryside, a focus on group orientation has organically emerged from the interviews. The analysis of the data prompted the emergence of group-oriented lifestyle-related themes, which were inductively derived from the participants’ own interpretations of their experiences living in a rural group setting. Our participants highlighted the significance of group orientation and dynamics in shaping their prolonged vacation experience in rural areas. Participants provided detailed explanations for their choice to travel in groups to rural destinations for an extended vacation, highlighting the enjoyment they derived from the group lifestyle and how it influenced their travel aspirations. Four thematic areas have emerged from the analysis and serve as the foundation around which our findings are structured.

The first theme highlights the move from traditional family cohabitation to group travel for emotional fulfillment, underscored by the erosion of communal ties. The second reflects participants’ preference for rural destinations, driven by perceived health benefits and the economic advantage of leveraging regional disparities in cost of living. The third emphasises the significance of shared experiences in fostering a sense of belonging, with group travel serving as a conduit for social cohesion aligned with Chinese social norms. Finally, our findings address the adaptive travel patterns and the collective decision-making process influenced by health and frailty. These themes collectively encapsulate the elderly’s pursuit of community, health, and cost-effective living through travel amidst the evolving social landscape of China.

Findings

From a communal young life to group huddling in later life

In contemporary China, the elderly generation traditionally cohabits with their adult children to assist in caring for the younger generation. The pursuit of a leisurely lifestyle through tourism is often deferred until they retire from the grandchildren-care roles:

‘My daughter-in-law went back to work after giving birth, so my wife and I cared for the kids … But when they went to boarding school, we were left alone. I was 75 years old at that time … We discussed this morning that we, the older generation, sacrificed for the younger generations - it’s our responsibility and we’re willing to - but ended up alone … That’s why we choose to gather and travel together.’ (F22, Male, 85)

Most of our respondents worked under the danwei (单位, in Chinese) system, a collective work-unit organisation that provided communal welfare including danwei-built housing (Fei et al., 1992). This communal way of life fostered strong interpersonal bonds with colleagues/neighbors. However, in contemporary China’s increasingly mobile society, gated communities have taken precedence over communal danwei. Therefore, facing the absence of emotional support from family ties (living alone), business ties (retiring from work), and geographical ties (unfamiliar neighbourhood), our respondents chose to embrace group travel as a means to cultivate a group-oriented later life. Typically, our interviewees travel in couples or pairs, and their travel groups often comprise peers in a similar age range, typically ranging from ten to twenty people per group:

‘We are a travel group composed of close friends with shared interests and lifestyles – we all like travelling and cherish the pleasure it brings in our old age. Our core group consists of six members, including our siblings and good friends, and we intentionally invite more friends and friends of friends, resulting in a larger group of ten or more … ’ (F20, Female, 67)

‘This building has 11 guest rooms and is currently occupied by our group of 21 individuals, including my husband, sibling, classmates, colleagues, zhiqing (知青, in Chinese) friends, and their siblings and friends. We are very familiar with each other … ’ (F9, Female, 66)

Zhiqing refers to educated urban youths who were sent to rural areas for labour reform during the Shangshan Xiaxiang (上山下乡, in Chinese) campaign that took place during the 1950s-70s in China. The shared experience of the zhiqing years in the countryside not only forged deep friendships but also influenced their choice of long-stay vacation destinations. Additionally, their preference for group travel arises from the perceived inadequacy of institutional settings to cater to elderly individuals’ diverse needs:

‘Living in elderly service institutions can feel oddly restrictive, as residents are required to seek permission to leave and have to pay for unoccupied rooms during their absence … ’ (F7, Female, 67)

‘A place to spend one’s later years should feel like a home. However, senior institutions often fail to fulfill this ideal and can be quite expensive. Media reports frequently highlight instances where staff members in nursing homes exhibit a lackluster dedication to their duties, displaying a subpar attitude towards caring for the elderly … ’ (F22, Male, 85)

In comparison, tourism servicescapes differ from these institutions in their deinstitutionalised nature and emphasis on hospitality. As described by F4 (Female, 63), ‘Here, we are consumers, we are guests, whereas we are regarded as the aged or even patients in institutions’. This implies that long-stay tourism provides a more consumer-centric and leisure-oriented life experience for elderly individuals in China.

Therapeutic effects of ruralscapes and geo-arbitrage

Undoubtedly, when Chinese senior citizens choose a destination for extended holidays, they prioritise the presence of a pristine natural environment due to its perceived therapeutic effects on their health and well-being. Immersion in nature facilitates a more active lifestyle for the elderly, primarily by increased engagement in outdoor physical activities:

‘Living here is beneficial to our health due to the exceptional air quality, green cuisine, and tranquil surroundings. In contrast, my urban dwelling is marred by incessant traffic, bustling crowds, and noise pollution … ’ (F1, Female, 66)

‘Utilization of an air conditioner is infrequent and unnecessary here, as the weather remains cool and comfortable. And I like to take strolls from time to time … However, back home [in the city], the scorching heat necessitates running the air conditioner all day long … we elderly individuals are left with little else to do indoors except watch TV, and over time, diseases will find its way to the doorstep … ’ (F13, Male, 83)

Rural ecology in China distinguishes itself not only through its lush green environment but also its distinctive mode of production. Unlike urban residents, rural families typically possess their own farmland and vegetable plots. The availability of homegrown vegetables and homemade food adds allure to rural living, as highlighted in the following:

‘The countryside is born a good place for yangsheng (养生, in Chinese refers to regimen)! The vegetables we eat are grown by the host’s mother. The hostess usually commences meal preparation at 4 pm, while the vegetables are still in the garden at 3 pm! She plucks and cleans them just before the cooking process begins. The dishes are exceptionally fresh and flavorful! Such freshly grown and harvested produce is a rarity in urban areas. Supermarkets sell similar produce labeled as high-mountain vegetables, and it’s super expensive … ’ (F7, Female, 67)

Recently, China has witnessed a growing trend called ‘farm-to-table campaign’ among the urban middle class, avoiding processed and ready-to-cook foods. While the farm-produced foods are expensive in supermarkets in our respondents’ home cities, they have daily access to these foods during temporary residence in rural areas, providing them a cost-effective option for healthy diets. Many respondents stressed the cost-effectiveness of long-stay vacations in rural areas, for example:

‘The green environment here keeps me in excellent physical condition, and I enjoy healthy cuisine and plenty of free time. Unlike at home, where I am occupied with mundane tasks such as grocery shopping and cooking, my current routine primarily consists of leisurely activities such as walking and playing. I sometimes joke with my friends that we live a life akin to the shenxian (神仙, in Chinese refers to immortals), and we only pay 100 RMB each day for it … ’ (F15, Male, 78)

The description from F15 of their experiences in a rural destination resembling a life of idleness and leisure reflects the concept of ‘geo-arbitrage’. Geo-arbitrage refers to tactics employed by individuals from privileged regions in search of a ‘better’ quality of life through leveraging structural inequalities enabled by mobility (Hayes, 2014). In China, the pension system exhibits a significant imbalance, especially between urban and rural areas, primarily due to the hukou (户口, in Chinese refers to the nationwide household registration system) system. It assigns localised rights to public services such as education and healthcare, inadvertently leading to pronounced disparities in urban-rural access to public services and welfare provisions. Consequently, our participants are able to capitalise on their pensions through geo-arbitrage, indulging in leisure activities in the living room or courtyard, while their rural counterparts are often occupied with kitchen duties, given that their hosts’ children typically work and reside in cities for better educational and job opportunities. And in the words of F14 (Male, 82), ‘everyone is happy’.

The group-oriented approach to temporarily residing in rural areas not only fosters social interactions but also provides practical benefits such as higher bargaining power. By negotiating as a group, respondents can secure better discounts on accommodation and catering prices when dealing with hosts, which further enhances the overall cost-effectiveness of their stay and allows them to make the most of their geo-arbitrage. Additionally, the traditional catering pattern of group table meals in rural accommodations, where each table typically serves 8–10 people, further reinforces the need for group-oriented movements among the participants. Sharing meals together at communal tables not only promotes a sense of community and camaraderie but also aligns with the cultural norms of Chinese rural areas.

Communal practices and the sense of community

‘What counts most is not necessarily the level of service or amenities, but rather being able to live together with our siblings and friends. Having an opportunity to reunite with close ones is especially precious to us elderly individuals … ’ (F10, Female, 72)

Within the context of a ‘liquid society’, tourism can serve as a means for individuals to create social connectedness and seek emotional support through physical mobility and interactions with others (Bauman, 2000; Gössling et al., 2018). The excerpt above emphasises the significance of communal practices for our respondents. Our interview data consistently demonstrates the immense pleasure they derived from residing with familiar peers. While ‘snowbirds’ may view their social connections in the host community as temporary and superficial, senior tourists in our study have much to gain from congregating with lifelong relations. The us time spent engaging in group activities during long-stay vacation is frequently compared to the me time that the elderly couples spend at home, as illustrated by the following:

‘Engaging in various group activities gives us a sense of collective belonging. The abundance of group experiences accelerates the passage of time during our stay here, whereas when at home, I just inhabit the couch, passively adsorbing media to kill the time, and the day drags on.’ (F1, Female, 66)

‘Life here is extremely fulfilling and pleasurable, with many hearty laughs throughout the day, which is rarity in my daily life back home. My husband is quite introverted and doesn’t talk much, so it’s not easy to find someone to talk to [when at home], let alone share moments of laughter … ’ (F7, Female, 67)

Group travel offers a unique avenue for senior long-stayers to experience ‘Gemeinschaft’, a community of people who share similar values, beliefs and norms (Gössling et al., 2018). They maintain social well-being by travelling with their existing quanzi, engaging in familiar activities such as strolls, chatting, card games, karaoke, and square dancing. While seen as boring or old-fashioned by some, our participants find these activities enjoyable and ideal for their later lives. As F14 (Male, 82) concluded, ‘That’s how elderly people spend their days’.

For Chinese elderly individuals, friendships often provide greater understanding and emotional support in their later lives compared to their children. Lifelong friendships nurture shared memories, allowing the older generation to reminisce about their youth, a time when the world seemed comprehensible and controllable:

‘Our conversations tend to dwell on the past due to the fact that we cannot keep up with the present-day technological advancements [sigh] … We often reminisce about the good old days … During today’s lunch, one of our companions boasted about effortlessly carrying a weight of 200 kilograms in his 30s. It might not be the real story, but we all know that he just wanted to signify his manly prowess. And I responded, ‘Yes, you were very strong back then’ … ’ (F2, Male, 70)

The narratives above highlight that group travel has become a path for our respondents to sustain and strengthen their self-identities as elderly individuals. By travelling with a community of like-minded individuals who share collective memories, they can experience and express a tangible representation of a shared identity. And their sense of community has progressed from being place-dominated (e.g. neighbourhood) to a people-oriented approach. This finding is articulated by the following quote:

‘There is no communication happening in our neighborhood at home … However, here in our travel group, we are like a family, and I would even say that our bond goes beyond familial ties! We are a close-knit group!’ (F6, Female, 60)

While our respondents exhibit a preference for a communal way of life, it does not necessarily translate into an inclination to socialise with others. As opposed to building on-site social circles with local residents, tourists outside their group or engaging in local affairs (Kou et al., 2017; Kou et al., 2018), our participants tend to travel and stay within their own group during the journey. They have limited contact with tourists from other groups or even the hosts, despite potentially cohabiting under the same roof for months.

Lifestyle mobilities and fragile futures

Travelling with a close-knit group allows our participants to cultivate a leisurely and communal lifestyle while enhancing a collective enthusiasm to keep on moving. Unlike the snowbirds traveling between their two fixed residences in a fixed seasonal rhythm, our respondents exhibit flexibility in choosing destinations due to the absence of a rural residence. They often revisit certain rural destinations and accommodations. Nevertheless, the absence of a fixed abode renders their journeys fluid and flexible. They do need to make reservations months in advance but may change plans if availability is limited. Some may be unwilling to revisit due to increased expenses from homestay upgrades. As F14 (Male, 82) explained, ‘We live economically and seek alternative options if we cannot accept the price – after all, there’ are plenty of choices for rural vacations’.

Irrespective of their next destination, some respondents view their permanent homes as stable anchor points where they temporarily reside before embarking on their next journey:

‘We plan to stay here for about two months as we have already made travel plans on September 10th … Just two days ago, we returned from another village before coming here. After resting for two days at home, we start this journey. Our travel schedule sustains a tight framework … ’ (F7, Female, 67)

‘I enjoy interacting with other tourists during our trips, and it enriches me with information about good places to explore further with my friends. Then we collectively decide on our next destination … ’ (F18, Male, 85)

The narratives mentioned above resonate with the concept of lifestyle mobilities wherein ‘the intention to move on rather than move back is pre-supposed’ (Cohen et al., 2015, p. 5). In regard to when they will cease group travel, our participants assert that they will continue as long as they are physically capable, as emphasised by F18 (Male, 85), ‘As elderly individuals, we must make the most of our time to enrich our lives while our physical abilities still allow us to do so since we don’t have much time left … ’

Concerns may arise regarding health problems that come with age and whether rural destinations can cater to the needs of this aging market considering their fragility and the lack of medical facilities in non-urban areas in China:

‘Most of us have chronic illnesses, but it’s fine as long as we have enough medication … My body feels comfortable here and sometimes I decide not to take my high blood pressure medication … But it’s crucial to have enough medication while travelling … And we’ll have to stop when we cannot move … ’ (F8, Female, 71)

The majority of respondents expressed concerns about the potential termination of group travel due to physical disabilities, using the pronoun ‘we’ to indicate a collective ending decision. This finding challenges the prevailing individualistic and Western-oriented focus in extant lifestyle mobilities research, adding depth from a collectivist perspective demonstrated by the group-oriented lifestyle movements and moorings among elderly Chinese. Generally, within a travel group, there is a head who holds greater influence in decision-making processes, such as making accommodation and transportation reservations. In the case of F2’s group, there is a man who uses a wheelchair and requires mobility assistance. As F2 highlighted, ‘we have been good friends for several decades, and he loves travel’ while discussing the reason for including him.

In Confucian culture, it is a recognised social norm for elderly individuals to age in place. While the ending point of group long-stay travel may be uncertain and precarious, it is certain that these individuals will eventually return to their permanent home. As F21, who travelled alone with friends after the death of her husband two years ago, emphasised:

‘Despite the enormous benefits that travel brings, such experiences are always temporary in nature. Home is home. As the Chinese proverb suggests, ‘no amount of wealth can replace the sense of belonging and affection one has for their own living space’’. (F21, Female, 82)

Many scholars have highlighted the blurred boundaries between ‘home’ and ‘away’, leading to the emergence of the concept of ‘dwelling-mobility’ within this discourse (Cohen et al., 2015). In contrast to studies that focus on the practices of elderly second-home migrants, our study emphasises the importance of lifelong friendships in constructing a sense of community among senior tourists. This further complicates the understanding of home and away, as well as the interplay between dwelling and mobility.

Conclusion

This paper reveals the nuanced dynamics of senior group long-stay tourism in rural China. Seniors, facing the loss of traditional support systems, opt for extended rural stays to rebuild social fabrics, prioritising communal living and shared activities that echo their cultural norms. The decision to cease these travels is predominantly health-driven, with an inevitable return to permanent homes, reflecting the Confucian value of aging in place. Despite the traditional value placed on intergenerational proximity as the main source of happiness for Chinese older generations, collectively, our findings underscore the elderly’s proactive adaptation to socio-economic shifts through travel, seeking community and confronting the realities of aging.

The primary contributions of this study lie in bringing a group-oriented or collective approach to lifestyle mobilities research, diverging from past studies that have predominantly emphasised individualistic perspectives. The research expands the literature on senior long-stay tourists in China, which has primarily focused on seasonal elderly migrants with second homes while neglecting the temporary residence of senior tourists in rural settings. The study highlights how temporary rural living serves as a collective endeavour for Chinese seniors to establish or maintain intrapersonal continuities and interpersonal (re)connectedness. They engage in communal leisure activities and foster a sense of camaraderie, deviating from the individualistic norms often seen in lifestyle mobilities research (Cohen et al., 2015). These mobilised social circles play a crucial role in promoting positive experiences for elderly tourists in rural living contexts, creating a close-knit community and evoking shared memories.

The study also highlights the role of geo-arbitrage in facilitating and accommodating group-oriented mobilities among senior tourists in rural China. Temporarily residing in rural areas enables these individuals to pursue their desired communal lifestyle in a cost-effective manner and benefit from therapeutic ruralscapes. These offer a distinct natural, economic and social ecology, suggesting that the allure of rural areas for Chinese senior long-stayers lies in the intricate practice of the countryside perceived as a wildscape (natural amenities), farmscape (rural way of production) and activityscape (familiar neighbourhoods).

Furthermore, the study acknowledges the precariousness and vulnerability faced by the mobile Chinese seniors. Health decline, both at the individual and group levels, poses challenges to their extended vacations. Disparities in senior care services between urban and rural regions in China further contribute to the complexities.

These findings suggest a practical need for tailored support systems and community-based service initiatives in rural destinations to address the needs of moving Chinese seniors for group-oriented lifestyles. Additionally, policymakers and service providers could benefit from considering the collective nature of senior long-stay tourism when developing strategies to enhance the health and well-being of the elderly in rural settings.

The study acknowledges certain limitations. The data was collected from a specific region in China employing a convenience strategy and thus is not intended to reflect Chinese retirees more widely. To address this, future research may encompass diverse socio-economic groups within China. A focus on gendered dimensions and examination of host perspectives could also provide a more nuanced understanding of the social and economic dynamics at play. Additionally, our focus on larger groups with 10–20 members raises questions about the experiences of smaller or shorter-stay groups. Future research could compare various group configurations and durations to better understand their impact on the experiences of senior group lifestyle mobilities.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by National Natural Science Foundation of China [grant number: 71974173].