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Notes
1. The word silloyos refers to an establishment which functions as a coffee-shop, but which also has a soccer team, hosts workers’ or peasants’ unions, and has some form of cultural activities.
2. The tensions and contradictions created when leftist political formations administer state power in a system which they oppose/want to change has been a central debate in leftist thought on social change since the French Revolution.
3. Eric Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes, London: Abacus, 1994, p 176.
4. Peter Loizos, The Greek Gift: Politics in a Cypriot Village, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1975.
5. The Legislative Council was a colonial parliament elected through separate communal voting. A minority of its members were appointed by the colonial authorities. Structurally it was based on a patron–client relationship of the bourgeois representatives with the peasant voters.
6. The British had been harassing the Left before 1945, but the attacks of the spring of that year seemed like a calculated series of provocations. Initially, on 25 March, a leftist demonstration was shot at in Lefkoniko, a rural centre in eastern Cyprus. Then in mid-April the local leftist newspaper in Varosha was banned, and on 11 May the leaders of the leftist trade unions were arrested on the charge of planning an overthrow of the colonial government.
7. The leftist-supported bishop, Leontios, won the elections but he died shortly after his victory. The leftists claimed that he was poisoned by the church establishment.
8. There are several works on the constitutional conference on self-government and the strikes of 1948—but little on the sociological study of the social movements of the period. One of the most comprehensive recent reviews of the period (through the press and British archives) is Rolandos Katsiaounis, I Diaskeptiki 1946–1948, Nicosia: Cyprus Research Center, 2000.
9. Guenther Roth, The Social Democrats in Imperial Germany: A Study in Working Class Isolation and National Integration, Totowa, NJ, 1963.
10. Spirou Papageorgiou, Kipriaki Thiella, Nicosia: Epifaniou, 1977, p 595.
11. Andreas Ziartides, Horis Fovo ke Pathos, Nicosia, 1993.
12. Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-System III: The Second Era of Great Expansion of the Capitalist World-Economy, San Diego: Academic Press, 1989.
13. Rolandos Katsiaounis, Labour, Society and Politics in Cyprus During the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century, Nicosia: Cyprus Research Center, 1995.
14. Michalis Attalides, ‘Ta Kommata stin Kipro (1878–1955)’, in Kypriaka 1878–1955, Nicosia: Ekdosi Dimou Lefkosias, 1986, pp 123–152.
15. Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution, London: Tavistock, 1978.
16. The major allies of the G/Cs in the geopolitical area were the Arabs—especially those identified with anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism.
17. For the phenomenon of Cypriot Consciousness (and the economic and political interests underlying its emergence), see Michalis Attalides, Cyprus, Nationalism and International Politics, New York: St Martin's Press, 1979.
18. For the history of bicommunal class movements and the role of linovamvaki throughout the Ottoman period, see Kyrris Costas, ‘Anatomia tou Othomanikou Kathestotos stin Kipro 1570–1878’, in I Zoi stin Kipro ton 18o ke 19o Eona, Nicosia: Ekdosi Dimou Lefkosias, 1984, pp 65–83. From the available data it seems that the uprising of 1804 was led by linovamvaki, while one of the leaders of the 1833 uprisings also belonged to this community. The origin of the linovamvaki is traced to Christians who became Muslims but who also maintained Christian names and participated in Christian rites—and as this religious hybrid was reproduced through subsequent generations it became a distinct community. Orthodox Christian historiography sees them as victims of pressure to become Muslims, but according to Kyrris Costas the key variable for the periodic religious shifts was the taxes of the church rather than pressure from the Ottomans.
19. Liberal discourse had to balance between the ideological conflict of communism vs. nationalism and the anti-colonial conflict. In this context the democratic dimension of liberalism was adopted by the Left, while economic or pro-western liberals had to identify with the Right. The path of the Clerides family is indicative: the father became the major centrist ally of the Left in the 1940s, while his son, Glafkos, allied himself with Makarios after 1960, and in 1976 he created the major Rightist party, DISI, in which there has been an uneasy coexistence of liberalism and nationalism.
20. As Bryant puts it, G/C nationalism's imagery depended more ‘upon revised notions of hierarchy’ rather than on ‘egalitarianism’: Rebecca Bryant, Imagining the Modern, London: I B Tauris, 2004, p 120.
21. Peter Loizos, ‘Allayes stin Domi tis Kinonias’, in Kipriaka 1878–1955, Nicosia: Ekdosi Dimou Lefkosias, 1986, pp 93–106.
22. Katsiaounis, I Diaskeptiki.
23. AKEL appeared to be divided on the issue: some of its prominent leaders openly supported the ‘yes’ position (which is close to the ideological roots of the Left), while another faction strongly supported the ‘no’ position, which can be related to continued participation in power. Thus the official policy can be seen like a middle position. The strategy of compromise has a long history in leftist practice.