Abortion and politics in Nicaragua: The women's movement in the debate on the Abortion Law Reform 1999–20021

1. This paper craws on a larger research project with the same title conducted in 2003 for my MA thesis, and which included interviews with leaders of the women's movement as a well as the review of around 500 newspaper articles published between 1999 and 2002.

To coincide with the 5th IASSCS Conference (21–24 June 2005) organized by the National Sexuality Resource Center and Human Sexuality Studies at San Francisco State University, a competition was held for the best paper presented by a new researcher. In this issue of Culture, Health and Sexuality, we have the pleasure in publishing the paper awarded the first prize.

Abstract

This paper analyses discussion on a proposed reform to the abortion law in Nicaragua between 1999 and 2002, as a struggle between different actors—politicians, religious leaders, doctors and feminists—over the meaning of abortion, motherhood and sexuality, and ultimately the value of women's lives. It shows how the interplay of gender discourses and political practices shaped the process of discussion: on one hand by making a broad alliance against abortion possible, on the other by highlighting the contradictory role of the women's movement in this discussion, between a dominant leadership and a low mobilizing capacity. The paper argues for the need of an inwards oriented process within the women's movement, that departs from the recognition of the personal issues at stake for women in order to break the silence surrounding abortion, such as prevailing feelings of fear and guilt. This entails recognition of the limits of the liberal feminist claim to ‘abortion as a free choice’, as a discourse of rights that is disconnected from the everyday life conditions and constraints under which women make choices and develop their notions of rights.

To coincide with the 5th IASSCS Conference (21–24 June 2005) organized by the National Sexuality Resource Center and Human Sexuality Studies at San Francisco State University, a competition was held for the best paper presented by a new researcher. In this issue of Culture, Health and Sexuality, we have the pleasure in publishing the paper awarded the first prize.

Résumé

Cet article analyse le débat sur une réforme de la loi sur l'avortement au Nicaragua, proposée entre 1999 et 2002, comme une lutte entre différents acteurs – politiciens, leaders religieux, médecins et féministes – autour des significations de l'avortement, de la maternité et de la sexualité et, en définitive, de la valeur de la vie des femmes. Il montre comment l'interaction des discours de genre et des pratiques politiques a influencé le débat: d'une part, en rendant possible une large alliance contre l'avortement, d'autre part en soulignant le rôle contradictoire du mouvement des femmes dans ce débat, entre un leadership dominant et une faible capacité de mobilisation. L'article soutient la nécessité d'un processus d'analyse interne au mouvement féministe, afin de reconnaître les problèmes personnels auxquels les femmes ont à faire face ‐ tels que les sentiments dominants de peur et de culpabilité – pour pouvoir rompre le silence sur l'avortement. Ceci implique une reconnaissance des limites de la revendication féministe libérale de «l'avortement comme choix libre», ce discours sur les droits étant déconnecté des conditions de vie et des contraintes de tous les jours, face auxquelles les femmes font des choix et développent leurs notions de droits.

Resumen

Este artículo analiza el debate sobre la reforma a la ley del aborto entre 1999 y 2002 como una lucha entre diferentes actores – líderes políticos, religiosos, médicos y feministas – acerca del significado del aborto, la maternidad y la sexualidad, y en última instancia, acerca del valor de la vida de las mujeres. Pretende visibilizar cómo la interacción entre ciertos discursos de género y prácticas políticas marcó el proceso de discusión: por un lado al hacer posible una alianza tan amplia en contra del aborto; por otro, al marcar el rol contradictorio del movimiento de mujeres en esta discusión, entre un liderazgo fuerte y una baja capacidad de movilización. El artículo aboga por la necesidad de un proceso interno en el movimiento basado en el reconocimiento de los asuntos personales que están en juego para las mujeres ‐como el miedo y la culpa‐ para romper el silencio acerca del aborto. Esto a su vez implica reconocer los límites de la reivindicación feminista liberal por el derecho a decidir, como un discurso de derechos que está desconectado de las condiciones y restricciones de la vida cotidiana, bajo las cuales las mujeres toman decisiones y desarrollan su noción de derechos.

Keywords:

• Nicaragua
• abortion
• gender
• politics
• women's movement

Acknowledgements

Every piece of writing is a collective achievement. I would like to express my thanks to those that made this research possible: my parents Waltraut and Eckhard Heumann, for valuable feedback and discussions; colleagues and friends in Nicaragua for talks, documents and contacts: Helen Dixon, Marike van Gijsel, Jessica Martinez, Cecilia Medal, Margarita Quintanilla and Goya Wilson; informants from the women's movement for their valuable time and information; and the CEDLA16 for institutional support. For comments on earlier drafts, thanks to Michiel Baud, Jan Willem Duyvendak, Henri Gooren, Barbara Hogenboom, Barak Kalir and Pamela Pattynama. Also many thanks to the referees and editor of this journal.

Notes

To coincide with the 5th IASSCS Conference (21–24 June 2005) organized by the National Sexuality Resource Center and Human Sexuality Studies at San Francisco State University, a competition was held for the best paper presented by a new researcher. In this issue of Culture, Health and Sexuality, we have the pleasure in publishing the paper awarded the first prize.

1. This paper craws on a larger research project with the same title conducted in 2003 for my MA thesis, and which included interviews with leaders of the women's movement as a well as the review of around 500 newspaper articles published between 1999 and 2002.

2. Nicaraguan Pro‐life Association.

3. See http://www.hli.org for more information.

4. In consequence, McBride Stetson (1996), in ‘Feminist Perspectives on Abortion Rights’, has agreed that ‘the individual‐right‐to‐choose argument unwittingly reinforces the powerful rhetoric of anti‐feminists through the idea of foetal rights’ by creating a ‘clash of absolutes’ between two subjects of rights.

5. Archdiocesan Preaching Ministry.

6. Willis (1979), as early as 1979 makes an attempt of linking abortion, politics and sexuality, in an analysis of the emergence of the pro‐life movement in the US as an opposition to women's (sexual) liberation, drawing attention on the implications of the ‘right‐to‐life’ argument for the recognition of women's personhood.

7. Use of the masculine is deliberate, reflecting its actual use in the Spanish language, to emphasize the gender biased ‘nature’ of the pro‐life discourse.

8. The strategies of pro‐lifers to represent and construct the foetus as a citizen, as well as the impact that the recognition of foetal rights has on women's status as citizens are analysed by Daniels (1993) in her study on the ‘politics of foetal rights’ in the USA.

9. According to Pizarro (1999), the budget of the Ministry of Health amounted to only US$16 per person per year, in 1996.

10. This is an allusion to the pact consumed between both leading parties, the PLC and the FSLN perpetuate their power in spite of their loss of legitimacy by reforming the electoral law in their favour and getting hold on the Supreme Justice Court as well as the Supreme Electoral Council (Nitlapan‐Envío Team 2000; Randall 2000).

11. On the Nicaraguan Women's Movement see, for instance, Montenegro (1997), Isbester (2000).

12. On the predominant cultural constructions of gender and sexuality see, for instance, Lancaster (1992), Montenegro (2000b), Berglund et al. (1997).

13. The estimated number of women who seek an abortion Nicaragua lies between 25 and 35 thousand per year (Gobierno Chamorro/Ministerio de Acción Social (1996): Política de Población. Cited in Pizarro (2002).

14. Ana María Pizarro has been heavily involved in the struggle for abortion in Nicaragua since the 1980s, she's a medical doctor and directs a women's centre for sexual and reproductive health and rights, SI Mujer. She was coordinator of the Women's Health Network until it broke apart, and then joined the Women's Network against Violence. Violeta Delgado has been coordinator of the Women's Network Against Violence since its foundation in 1992. Patricia Orozco is one of the leaders of the National Feminist Committee and used to be member of the Women's Network against Violence.

15. This respondent had to be kept anonymous.

16. Centre for Latin American Research and Documentation in Amsterdam.