Information-precarity for refugee women in Hamburg, Germany, during the COVID-19 pandemic

ABSTRACT

This study examines refugee women's ICT and digital media usage during the Covid-19 pandemic. It aims to ascertain how women in refugee accommodation centres in Hamburg, Germany overcome information precarity due to limited or no internet access when public life primarily moved to the digital world. The discussion in this paper is drawn from 32 semi-structured interviews conducted during the fall and winter of 2020 with refugee women from Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Eritrea, Ghana, Syria, and Turkey. The study findings reveal that once all public life either closed or transferred online, refugee women and their families could no longer participate in everyday life or continue their education. The study established that the lack of internet access and hardware at refugee accommodations exacerbated pre-existing social inequalities, turning them into digital isolation and social exclusion. At the same time, the study found that when instant knowledge becomes pivotal in the fight against coronavirus, the lack of access to adequate information for refugees fosters distrust in measures taken to overcome the pandemic and appears to provide fertile ground for misinformation.

KEYWORDS:

• Refugee women
• digital divide
• pandemic
• ICT
• Germany

Introduction

This article explores the importance of ICTs and digital media in precarious refugee contexts in Hamburg, Germany's second-largest city. Germany has been one of the European countries accepting the highest number of refugees (Hasselbach, 2020); however, access to computers and free internet is not offered at reception centres (Zentrale Erstaufnahme) housing refugees when they first arrive in Hamburg. 76 out of 121 follow-up accommodation-centres (Flüchtlingsunterkünfte) accepting refugees after registration in Hamburg have also no free internet connection for residents. Twenty-seven of these have wireless internet connectivity (Wi-Fi) but only in communal or outdoor areas (Meyer, 2021). While access to the internet and ICTs has become crucial for participation in public life, access is complex (Van Dijk, 2005), especially in uncertain refugee circumstances (Berg, 2021). This paper highlights concerns with the physical digital divide, which led to the exclusion of marginalised groups (Tsatsou, 2011, 2021) such as refugees, and the reproduction and elevation of pre-existing structural inequalities (Loader & Keeble, 2004; Ragnedda & Ruiu, 2020; Van Dijk, 2005). Building on earlier research examining how women refugees have fought to overcome information-precarity owing to limited or no internet access (Berg, 2021), this study examines how their usage of ICT and digital media has been affected by the Covid-19 pandemic. The study also pays attention to whether literacy, language, and unfamiliarity with information-technology and digital media contribute to women refugees’ experience of ‘information-precarity’ (Wall et al., 2017). This is while experiencing constantly-changing living conditions, and worrying about gaining or maintaining recognised refugee-status, against the backdrop of an ever-changing German and EU political discourse and policy on refugees. Despite the steadily-increasing number of women and female minors seeking refuge in countries like Germany, research solely focusing on the role of smartphones, media, and technology in the everyday life of women and girl refugees while adjusting to their host countries is still an evolving area urgently requiring a more profound understanding (Berg, 2021; Walker et al., 2015; Witte, 2010; Witteborn, 2015, 2018). In the last five years, female asylum claims have increased by 40 per cent, with female minors representing a growing group (BPB, 2021). However, irrespective of the Covid-19 pandemic, female refugees in Germany have been found to struggle more than male refugees with integration, owing to difficulties in acquiring language-skills and employment. They are often less educated than men, owing largely to gender inequalities in their home countries. Women refugees also have greater difficulty gaining asylum-status, as their applications are often seen as less credible than those of male refugees (Kalkum et al., 2019; Liebig, 2018). Despite women and girls fleeing the violence in their home countries and hoping for a safer life, they are often faced with precarious living conditions on arrival in Germany. The reception – and accommodation-centres provided for refugees are mixed-sex, with no separate housing or sanitary facilities for women and children. Women refugees also fear sexual assault, adding another level of vulnerability and distress (Hartmann, 2017; Rabe, 2015). The accommodations are frequently overcrowded, with inadequate sanitation and hygiene standards in communal areas such as toilets and kitchens, which have become hotbeds for Covid infection (EuropeanComission, 2020; NDR, 2020; RNB, 2020). Since the onset of the pandemic, refugee reception – and accommodation-centres have experienced multiple coronavirus outbreaks. Refugee residents have been given inadequate information about quarantine measures being introduced. The information materials distributed and displayed in refugee accommodation, while provided in several languages, have been largely in the form of flyers; however, some federal states have published short videos providing information in different languages (Sagmeister, 2021). The pandemic worsened these already unacceptable living-conditions for female refugees, who have been impacted by multiple crises: forced migration, the challenges of the pandemic, gender-based violence, and little access to information and the digital sphere.

Therefore, this study not only aims to shed light on a significant gap in understanding the digital practices of refugee women by providing a greater insight into refugee women's digital practices and their use of various technologies under precarious circumstances. It also aims to create awareness and understanding of how the ongoing disregard for the need for refugee digital connectivity reflects a dominant cultural discourse that requires dismantling.

The first section of this paper provides an overview of contemporary scholarly research exploring the importance of digital media and ICT in forced migration. The second section of the paper examines the notion of precarity, and the concept of information-precarity impacting vulnerable groups such as migrants and refugees, while also discussing the concepts of the digital divide and digital inclusion in the context of refugee experience. After developing these theoretical perspectives, I describe the study methodology, with details of individual interviews conducted with refugee women in Hamburg. In the final section I analyse the findings of my semi-structured interviews by investigating how refugee women try to overcome information-precarity, having limited or no internet access in most German accommodation-centres. I examine how their overall experience of precarity has increased during the pandemic, which saw either the closure of, or restricted hours placed on, many public spaces utilised by refugee women to access the internet.

Theoretical perspective

Recent scholarly research increasingly revealed the crucial role that digital media, ICT, and smartphones play in the lives of refugees and migrants. Contrary to prevalent clichés, refugees were found to be competent users of ICT and digital media, because they played a vital role in navigating migratory trajectories, easing anxiety and providing a space where they felt accepted (Charmarkeh, 2013; Harney, 2013). They play transformative roles and functions for refugees whilst they cope with forced migration during their flight to and relocation in foreign countries (AbuJarour et al., 2017; AbuJarour et al., 2019; Alencar et al., 2019; Andrade & Doolin, 2016; Berg, 2021; Betts et al., 2015; Borkert et al., 2018; Díaz Andrade & Doolin, 2019; Emmer et al., 2016; Emmer et al., 2020; Gillespie et al., 2018; Jauhiainen et al., 2021; Kutscher & Kreß, 2018; Leurs & Smets, 2018; Veronis et al., 2018; Wall et al., 2017, 2019). Digital media, ICT, and smartphones have been found to enable refugees to acquire language and cultural competence (Alencar et al., 2019), while simultaneously helping refugees negotiate and even construct a sense of belonging to two (or more) cultures and places (Jauhiainen et al., 2021; Veronis et al., 2018), and to regain self-reliance and resilience. Especially for women and young refugees, internet access and digital media usage is as vital as food (Berg, 2021; Betts et al., 2015; Kutscher & Kreß, 2016, 2018) and shelter, making refugee experiences of economic, social, and political precarity more tolerable (Berg, 2021). In fact, the notion of precarity recently gained increasing attention not only among migrant and refugee studies (Baban et al., 2017; Şenses, 2017; Wall et al., 2019, 2017) but also multiple disciplines such as sociology, geography, labour and, urban studies (Jirón & Imilan, 2015; Meehan & Stauss, 2015; Standing, 2011). Precarity is a condition in which people live in unstable and unpredictable circumstances. While precarity can affect anyone, irrespective of their situation, its form, and the level of intensity experienced, will differ (Butler, 2006, 2016). Specific population segments are more at risk, particularly refugee and migrant groups, who face a greater danger of exploitation (Jordan & Brown, 2007; Lewis et al., 2015). Some scholars, while stressing labour as an important area of precarity, have acknowledged other overlapping precarities, including uncertainties and instabilities caused by socio-political situations impacting vulnerable groups (Baban et al., 2017; Banki, 2013; Papadopoulos, 2016; Wall et al., 2017). For Banki (2013) precarity is a highly-effective framework for studying the social lives of refugees. Though precarity is often perceived as a negative phenomenon in the lives of those experiencing it, some scholarly research found that it could mobilise people to unite and fight collectively against state and society (Ettlinger, 2007; Gifford & Wilding, 2013; Leung, 2010; Ponzanesi & Leurs, 2014; Schram, 2013; Witteborn, 2015). While there are other vulnerable groups within German society, refugees are irrefutably an exceptionally vulnerable group (Williams & Baláž, 2012). They fled their home countries from war, political oppression, or extreme poverty, and were confronted by danger and hardship on their flight to Europe (Germany). Their precarious situation continues after arrival because of uncertainty about being granted the right to stay and recognised asylum-status. Wall et al. (2017, 2019) have argued that precariousness in asylum migration creates a need for accessible information, coining the term ‘information-precarity’. Wall et al. (2015, 2017, 2019) described information-precarity as a condition of information instability and insecurity:

The condition of instability that refugees experience in accessing news and personal information, potentially leaving them vulnerable to misinformation stereotyping, and rumours that can impact their economic and social capital and well-being. (Wall et al., 2017, p. 1)

Literature in the field overwhelmingly revealed that refugees need to access information, and to understand how information is made accessible, in order to integrate successfully into their new societies (Caidi & Allard, 2005; Kennan et al., 2011). Similarly, Lloyd et al. (2013) stressed that the main cause of the ‘information-poverty’ experienced by refugees is the limited and restrictive access to information, hindering individuals from participating in society and making informed decisions.

For refugees in Germany, the pandemic added a further limitation increasing the experience of precarity: this prevented refugees from taking part in online education (Fujii et al., 2020; Kutscher et al., 2022). For refugees, overcoming the traditional digital divide presents a significant challenge, and further limits their ability to function in society and integrate into their host countries (Alam & Imran, 2015a; Andrade & Doolin, 2016; Berg, 2021; Caidi et al., 2010; Caidi & Allard, 2005; Kennan et al., 2011; Lloyd, 2014; Lloyd et al., 2013). However, it is important to acknowledge that access to the internet and the digital world does not necessarily mean that people instantly feel more informed and socially included (Tsatsou, 2011).

Interplay between digital divide and social inclusion

The term ‘digital divide’ has been described as the gap between those who have access to digital technology and those who do not (Van Dijk, 2005), or the difference between the technological ‘have and have nots’ (Alam & Imran, 2015a; Wresch, 1996). The concept has been further elaborated to distinguish between physical access and practical use (Alam and Imran, 2015). Social inequities in usage have been described as a ‘second-level’ digital divide (Van Deursen & Van Dijk, 2014), while a ‘third-level’ digital divide has been conceived as varying skills levels, or digital literacy, creating new inequalities associated with knowledge gaps (Ragnedda, 2017; Van Deursen & Helsper, 2015; Wei & Zhang, 2006). Thus, ICT participation and adoption is influenced by several factors, from access and affordability to social barriers, policies, and the ability to use ICTs, or to possess e-skills. Specific groups, such as women, older people, and those less educated may be disadvantaged in ICT adoption and use, while several other digital divides can coexist (Alam & Imran, 2015a; Calabrese & Burgelman, 1999; Tsatsou, 2011; Van Deursen & Van Dijk, 2014).

At the same time, scholars such as Tsatsou (2021) have stressed the importance of intersectionality when studying vulnerable group’s digital inclusion, and urged the need for a systematic study of the different categories of cultural and social specificities of vulnerability. In the case of refugees, this can include gender, and a wide range of social factors including ‘culture and language, education level, age, language proficiency, socio-economic conditions, communication preferences, and familiarity with technology’ (Alam & Imran, 2015a, p. 5). Leurs and Ponzanesi (2007) have argued that the intersectionality of multiple levels of categorisation ‘coexist and co-construct identity’ by positioning digital practices in local contexts that structure and mirror society (p. 633). For refugees, access to and use of technology becomes pivotal and intricately linked to social inclusion and integration into the host society, social support networks, connection with their new local communities, and fostering self-motivation (AbuJarour et al., 2017; Alam & Imran, 2015a; Clayton & Macdonald, 2013). Some scholars emphasise that refugees can be constrained by language barriers and digital abilities that are critical for digital adoption (Reisdorf & Groselj, 2017). Nonetheless, it is important to highlight that women in general across the globe are faced with a greater degree of digital inequality than men, largely due to traditional gender biases crossing over into the digital world (Lamani & Honakeri, 2012). At times, lower levels of education, and insufficient exposure to technology and socio-cultural norms, are factors found (UniCeF, 2021) to create unequal opportunities for internet and ICT use between men and women in social, political, economic, and cultural domains leading to a gender digital divide (Abu-Shanab & Al-Jamal, 2015; Al-Rababah & Abu-Shanab, 2010). Even though recent studies have revealed that the gap between men and women with respect to internet access has largely closed in the Global North (Blank & Groselj, 2014), other forms of digital gender inequality still exist (Abu-Shanab & Al-Jamal, 2015). Whether it is the intensity and frequency of usage or the decreased likelihood of reporting internet skills, gender inequalities remain prevalent (Gargallo-Castel et al., 2010; Haight et al., 2014; Hargittai & Shaw, 2015; Kuhlemeier & Hemker, 2007; Tsai & Tsai, 2010) mirroring gender biases in the digital realm.

Methodology: research population, sampling, and interviews

The research took the form of 32 semi-structured, open-ended interviews during the 2020 fall and winter. The participating women refugees originated from Afghanistan (4), Iran (3), Iraq (5), Eritrea (3), Ghana (4), Syria (5), and Turkey (8). All the women arrived in Germany between 2016 and 2019. Ten participants arrived as unaccompanied minors aged 16-17, and are now young adults. Twenty-two participants came alone as adults, then aged 22–39. All participants were recruited via a combination of personal networks and snowball sampling techniques (Marcus et al., 2017).

The previous study I conducted in winter 2019 (Berg, 2021), almost three months prior to the start of the Covid-19 pandemic, revealed that the experience of precarity among refugee women living in accommodation-centres was the highest, compared to those living in youth flats, or those able to find their own apartments after having acquired temporary residency. Therefore, to give a voice to, and to explore these exceptionally vulnerable groups, the recruitment of participants was focused on refugee women who were still residing in accommodation-centres.

Ten women had a university degree, six were studying to obtain their Abitur (German A-levels), and seven were still seeking apprenticeships. Five women had a high-school diploma, and fourteen claimed to have achieved a professional role in their home country. Most women were unemployed, except for six who had started jobs in restaurants and cleaning companies, but subsequently saw their roles terminated owing to the onset of the pandemic. Consent forms detailing the purpose of this research were available to the participants in Arabic, English, German, and Turkish. Eight of the 32 participants did not permit the interview to be audio-recorded. Instead, handwritten notes were used and reviewed for accuracy with the subject after the interview. The semi-structured interviews were conducted in public parks in central Hamburg, providing a safe, accessible, neutral environment. The interviews lasted 45–60 min. I conducted the interviews in English, German, or Turkish, depending on the preference of the participant. Every participant was asked how their access to the internet and ICTs had changed since the start of the pandemic, to what extent difficulties had arisen, and how refugee women were dealing with these changes. Participants were given 20 euros for their participation.

All interviews conducted in German and Turkish were first transcribed and later translated into English. I applied a thematic analysis to find patterns and themes in the interviewee’s answers (Braun & Clarke, 2019). Open coding was conducted simultaneously with the transcription process (McLellan et al., 2003). After some of the main patterns became visible, axial coding was applied, which merged some of the codes into more general themes. In the process of eliciting the codes and merging them into superior categories, particular focus was given to themes reflecting access to the internet and use of digital media/ICT, and changes to use and access since the start of the pandemic. This process was accompanied by constant comparison between the determined categories across the data, allowing identification of the major similarities and differences. Finally, the selective coding process outlined a few main themes that later framed the findings, interpreted with the help of the theoretical background (Corbin & Strauss, 2014).

The women in this study displayed advanced levels of digital literacy and technical savviness, with the majority possessing sufficient-to-advanced German language-skills. While most of their experience has intersectionality with less e-skilled refugee women, their digital capital permitted them to be more resilient in fighting digital inequalities. Scholars in the field (Morgan, 2010; Park, 2017; Ragnedda & Ruiu, 2020) have argued that the actual and tangible benefits individuals gain from internet use are based on their offline backgrounds, which largely determines their digital capital. Therefore, digital capital can be understood in the context of an individual's experience and digital literacy (Morgan, 2010), which this study found pivotal in understanding refugee women's digital practices and resilience to overcome information precarity.

Findings

Theme one: the COVID-19 pandemic worsened access to information and communication

Most women in this study resided in accommodation-centres without free internet access. Only five participants had internet access in communal areas: however, owing to social-distancing rules, Wi-Fi access could rarely be used. The implementation of several lockdowns, and other restrictive measures to contain the spread of the coronavirus, made access to the internet for refugees even more difficult. Prior to the start of the pandemic, the women were trying to overcome information-precarity by using various public spaces to access free internet in order to use ICTs and digital media. As this 32-year-old woman notes:

Before it was still difficult to get access to the internet, but at least you could go to a fast-food chain or shopping-centres and use the Wi-Fi there. I would most days walk to the local shopping-centre to call my family. It was stressful, and people would often look annoyed when they heard me speak Arabic and not German. But right now, I have to manage my data on my mobile phone so carefully.

For some refugee woman, free Wi-Fi access at the public library was central to their daily routine, for communicating with friends and family, but also for navigating the internet and identifying prospective career opportunities.

Other women noted that before the pandemic they had greater opportunities to use the internet for entertainment purposes by accessing free Wi-Fi in public places: however, even these experiences were usually not stress-free, as this 21-year-old participant notes:

I would go to this small coffee-shop, and I could not afford more than two drinks, so I often felt real pressure to do first all-important things online such as contacting my family and looking up other things before I would access my social media or watch anything on YouTube.

Contrary to prevalent narratives of the passive, helpless refugee, and similar to previous studies (Charmarkeh, 2013; Halilovich, 2013), this study established that refugee-women's agency has been pivotal in overcoming information-precarity. The women displayed high levels of self-motivation (Cuban, 2018) and advanced levels of digital literacy and tech savviness, assisting them to overcome digital exclusion by accessing services, resources, and opportunities independently. Owing to their overall precarious situation, accessing information and remaining connected with family and friends created a space where they felt in control of their lives, and provided a stronger sense of ‘social connectedness’ (Metcalf et al., 2008), assurance, and acceptability. The women actively tried to be on the right side of the digital divide, to regain benefits only available in the digital sphere. However, during the pandemic, not only were refugee women unable to use free Wi-Fi in public spaces such as cafes, libraries, and mobile-phone shops, but they were also forced into multiple collective quarantines. Quarantines were often controlled by the police and/or security companies, while all women reported that the collective quarantine was the worst form of information-precarity they experienced. Once their calling-credits ran out during quarantine, they were left with no access to information or communication as this 26-year-old women describes:

The stress I went through since the pandemic was almost worse than the hardship I went through trying to reach Europe. Being locked up with strangers, and mainly men, and not continuing with your life is so tough. Everything felt so much worse once my calling-credits ran out; there was no way to get a top-up.

In addition to limited or no access to the internet, the pandemic meant that social-workers who had helped overcome cultural and linguistic barriers, and created an essential connection to German social infrastructure, could no longer access refugee accommodation.

Irrespective of their nationalities and ages, all women reported similar levels of information-precarity. Even Turkish refugees, who, one could argue, belong to the largest minority group in Germany and thus should find it easier to garner help, faced similar levels of precarity, as they were in the country as political refugees and were fearful of retaliation by pro-Turkish-government Turks. This 29-year-old woman’s transcript excerpt summarises the digital and social intersectional vulnerabilities experienced by many of the women interviewed:

I am an asylum-seeker, but I am also a human living in the twenty-first century. I need access to the internet to go on with my life like any other person. I have never felt so helpless like I did in the last few months. I want to work and help my children with their schoolwork, but there isn't anything I can do to change my situation without the internet or a computer.

For many women a feeling of information-precarity resulted not only from the inability to read the news or communicate with family or friends, but the pandemic also prevented them from staying connected with friends they’d made in Germany. Therefore, beyond maintaining transnational ties (Kutscher & Kreß, 2018), the lack of access to the internet prevented refugee women from preserving friendships established in their host country.

Theme two: access to education

Refugees living in accommodation-centres have struggled to continue their online education during the pandemic. Refugee women highlighted that the lack of internet access, computers, and software prevented them, their siblings, and parents from pursuing their education. Six women noted that they were studying to gain their Abitur (German A-levels); however, along with fearing that they might fail their classes and not achieve respectable Abitur results (for these young women, a way out of their precarious situation), the lack of connectivity excluded them from their newly-established circle of friends in Hamburg. As this 21-year-old women states:

I was devastated that I couldn't continue properly with my classes and maintain good grades. With not owning a laptop and only limited internet on my mobile, I couldn't keep up. But what was even more painful was that I couldn't keep in touch with my classmates. I know several had study groups where they were meeting up through Zoom, but it was almost impossible for me to take part. By the time they finished their casual catch-up, I was scared that my data would run out.

The female students also noted that it was impossible to write essays. Their teachers expected everything to be typed, or to be submitted as PowerPoint presentations. However, these women had access to neither a computer nor PowerPoint software. Mothers with school-aged children described their desperation at wanting to help their children with online learning. Schools moving entirely virtual, and the lack of computers, tablets, or internet connections, caused these women not only to feel unprecedented levels of information-precarity, but also to feel as though they were failing their children:

We came to Germany to have a future, but the entire situation of my children not being able to continue with their education makes me feel very guilty. If I can't help my child to get an education, I feel like I am a bad parent. (Female 40)

While children from wealthier families can participate in online education, read their teachers’ emails at home, watch videos on YouTube, and research the world-wide web for essays and presentations, students living in refugee accommodation could not even go to their school libraries. The findings in this study show parallels with recent research conducted by Kutscher et al. (2022) that explored the educational challenges for young refugees in Germany during Covid-19. Their study established that the changes in schooling under the conditions of the pandemic, and during times of lockdown or exclusion from face-to-face-classes, caused impairment to young refugees’ educational participation, because of a lack of technical access, media expertise, language skills, and personal support.

This study established, contrary to the common assumption that refugee women might not possess the necessary technical skills or digital literacy (Van Deursen & Van Dijk, 2014), that the biggest struggle for refugee women was found to be the lack of free internet access and hardware to permit them to participate in German society and thus regain their autonomy and independence:

I had just started my German language course when a couple of weeks later everything went to lockdown. The fact that I can’t continue with my education makes me feel very depressed and scared for my future. The one thing I heard from social workers, government officials, teachers, and security at our accommodation is that to be able to speak German well is very important to be accepted by German society and find a job and future in the country.

As illustrated in the words of this 30-year-old women, the fear of falling behind with schooling or German-language education creates severe anxiety and feelings of disempowerment. The gap between ‘information-rich’ and ‘information-poor’ (Eichmann, 2000) has been further widened by the pandemic, exacerbating these inequalities for refugee women, hindering them not only from participating in society but also accessing information at a time when it is more crucial than ever. The findings highlight the role of government policy in the digital exclusion of refugees that failed to identify that access to the internet is key to becoming part of German society. The pandemic further emphasised that internet access means access to information, communication, education, entertainment, and culture, and is the basis for social participation and integration. One could argue that the women's inability to access the internet is a limitation of their human rights and freedom of expression. In short, what applies offline also applies online. Scholars such as Nick Couldry (2003, 2007) have argued that digital inclusion is vital for citizen empowerment and democracy. At the same time, Couldry and Mejias (2021), have noted that there is a ‘deep racialisation of contemporary technological practices’ that ‘can be captured through the double lens of colonialism’s and capitalism’s evolving interrelation’ (p.10). Therefore, the continues exclusion of racialised groups such as refugees from the digitalisation process appears to be rooted in the assumption that these groups do not have the same technological needs as others in society.

Theme three: the interplay between lack of information and misinformation

All women interviewed agree that the information provided by their accommodations’ management about the pandemic, preventive measures, and hygiene rules implemented, was inadequate. For the women the lack of information about measures preventing the spread of the virus, and lack of transparency about infection numbers in their residence, caused great anxiety. As this 19-year-old woman describes, insufficient information from officials managing their housing created exceptional information-precarity:

My little brother and I were standing outside our residence when we heard shouting, sounding like people were fighting. We decided to walk closer, and we heard people saying something about corona infection, and another one said that two of his neighbours were positive or something. I got scared and moved closer to the camp leadership and asked if there were any cases, and he said it wasn't true. Some people were apparently down with flu. But as it turned out, they had corona, and after that, we had multiple quarantines and lots of cases.

Or as this 18-year-old women explains, refugees felt isolated from important developments regarding the containment of the coronavirus:

The security guards and other employees who came to the camp were suddenly all wearing masks. But none of us were given any masks, or were told that it was necessary to wear any to protect ourselves. I got all my information about the virus from the internet; news shared on Instagram, Twitter, or YouTube. It was definitely not from any officials.

Perhaps one of the most dangerous outcomes for refugees with little access to information is the circulation of misinformation. Women in this study noted that this impacted their ability to differentiate between accurate and incorrect (fake) information.

In social media, many posts said that the virus was a way to get rid of refugees. Basically, if we would die during quarantine, no one would know because they use police and security personal to keep everyone away. (Female, 25)

I read that if refugees get delivered to hospitals, they try out experimental drugs and see if it might work to treat others with it later. (Female, 24)

Most women stated that they felt forgotten during the pandemic. They were forced to share bedrooms, kitchens, and sanitary facilities with multiple people. Women also reported the lack of masks, soap, and disinfectants. As this 36-year-old-women stated, negative experiences during the pandemic damaged the study-participants’ perceptions of the German government:

The entire experience during the pandemic made me question if we ever are seen as human. I think all of us living in refugee accommodations felt like collateral or test subjects for herd immunity. It changed and damaged my perception and trust in the German government.

Though the interviews for this study were conducted before the release of Covid-19 vaccines, my argument is validated by the data subsequently released in German news media focusing on the hesitation of refugees to get vaccinated (BR24, 2021; NDR, 2021; Pauli, 2021). Similar to recent studies, this study also indicates elements of structural discrimination applied to refugees and racialised communities at high-income migrant designations (Hassan & Daniel, 2020; Tuyisenge & Goldenberg, 2021). The disproportionate impact of the pandemic on these communities (Guadagno, 2020; Hassan & Daniel, 2020; Tuyisenge & Goldenberg, 2021) and their exclusion from the right to unlimited information, education and healthcare, can be seen as an outcome of government policies in countries that made these groups exceptionally vulnerable to infection and misinformation.

Conclusion

Prior to the pandemic, refugee women had to be resourceful and resilient in overcoming information-precarity caused by the lack of internet access at most accommodation-centres (Berg, 2021). With lockdowns and social distancing, refugee women could no longer independently find ways to access the digital world on smartphones. Even their digital capital couldn’t help them overcome the nonexistence of internet connectivity for most basic communication. Therefore, once public life either closed, or moved online, social inequalities became social exclusions unearthing structural inequalities applied to refugees where the access to information is not considered a necessity for this group. Refugee women and their families were no longer able to participate in public life, or continue their education – the most significant factor enabling refugees to integrate successfully into their host societies (Alam & Imran, 2015b; Caidi & Allard, 2005; Kennan et al., 2011).

While the findings have important similarities with previous studies (Berg, 2021; Lloyd et al., 2013; Wall et al., 2017; Wall et al., 2019), the most significant difference is that the pandemic intensified pre-existing circumstances by increasing structural inequalities. The study revealed that unfavourable circumstances, especially in combination, unavoidably create and reinforce social inequalities in the digital sphere. Refugee women have experienced paralysing levels of ‘information-precarity’ and unprecedented levels of ‘information-poverty’ owing to limited or non-existent internet access. The inability to remain connected with the information-landscape during the pandemic resulted in refugee women experiencing exceptional levels of ‘information-disjuncture’. (Lloyd et al., 2013; Wall et al., 2017; Wall et al., 2019).

When instant knowledge became pivotal in fighting Covid-19, the lack of adequate information for refugees fostered distrust in measures taken by officials and provided fertile ground for misinformation. Despite the existence of intersectionality in the experiences of precarity, further research is required to examine the experience of less technically-skilled and digitally-literate women.

While the pandemic in Germany escalated the growth of the digital landscape, opportunities for refugee self-reliance and human rights (Leurs & Smets, 2018) worsened owing to their inability to gain access to the digital world. Most significantly, the findings reveal that refugees, especially single women and families, require dignified living conditions. At the same time, the finds also call for action to dismantle policies that foster digital inequalities among racialised groups (Guadagno, 2020; Tuyisenge & Goldenberg, 2021) that contribute to social marginalisation. Once again, focused support and structures promoting social inclusion and refugee agency (Bock et al., 2020; Papaioannou, 2014), and successful processes of resettlement and integration (Alam and Imran, 2015), require digital access and training for all (Warschauer, 2003; Helsper, 2011).

Following findings from recent studies, this study also suggests that providing free internet access, but also hardware, to those in refugee accommodation would overcome inequalities and assist refugees to integrate into German society and afford them the support they need to become positive members of their new communities (cf. Alam and Imran, 2015; Alencar et al., 2019; Andrade & Doolin, 2016; Berg, 2021; Veronis et al., 2018; Walker et al., 2015).

Acknowledgements

Open Access funding provided by the Qatar National Library.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Miriam Berg

Miriam Berg is an assistant professor in the journalism and strategic communication program at Northwestern University Qatar. Her research focuses on Arab, refugee, migrant, and diasporic audiences and their media and ICT practices. In addition, she is also researching the popularity and influence of Turkish cultural products in foreign markets.