Abstract
This article brings together ideas from medical anthropology on so-called medical pluralism, and a transnational lens in migration studies. It examines how legal status, transnational networks and religion interrelate in health practices among Ghanaians living in London. It provides an overview of the settlement of Ghanaians in London since the 1960s, and shows how transnational linkages have increased since then. It further demonstrates the strong transnational components health practices can have, including money, medicines and prayers being sent between Ghana and abroad, and between different European countries. ‘Transnational therapy networks’ is proposed as a term to describe health-related activities which span Europe and Africa. These are interlaced situational, formal and informal contacts between people which become meaningful in the event of sickness, providing financial and practical support and help in finding the right treatment.
Acknowledgements
The research on which this article is based was made possible by a scholarship from the ESRC, and the Evangelische Studienwerk Villigst. I would like to acknowledge Valentina Mazzucato, Ralph Grillo, Steven Vertovec, Elisabeth Hsu, Bruno Riccio, Viktoria Bergschmidt, Matthias Schwartz, and the anonymous JEMS reader for very helpful comments. Thanks also to Keith Allen and Diana Aurisch, who corrected my English. In London, I am deeply indebted to all the people who shared their experiences with me. Names and personal details have been changed throughout the article in order to protect the anonymity of my interlocutors.
Notes
1. In the fieldwork on which this article is based, I used ethnographic methods to examine how legal status, transnational networks and religious practices interrelate in health practices among Ghanaians living in London. The fieldwork was conducted in London during 2004–06 (altogether 12 months). Contacts for 36 narrative interviews with representatives of associations, health professionals, lay people, religious and herbal experts were established through Ghanaian shops and restaurants, churches, associations, and one of the Ghanaian pirate radio stations. Some people were only contacted for interviewing, in particular representatives of associations; others whom I got to know better were in constant communication with me. Many conversations took place in very informal ways, e.g. in Afro-shops, drinking bars and during family parties. Additionally I conducted a survey in a church, and took part in a radio discussion on different forms of treatment.