Abstract
Substantial economic transition in Papua New Guinea (PNG) is giving rise to increased wealth, rapid social change and changing cultural practices. Polygyny practices in PNG have come under increasing domestic attention in recent years, especially as pertains to reinforcing patriarchy and exacerbating gender inequality. Based on qualitative research with women, we identify a new ‘emerging polygyny’ that is located in women’s and girls’ choices, decisions, experiences and actions, and which contrasts with other research documenting polygyny from men’s perspectives. Narratives from female participants described young women and girls who actively seek polygynous relationships with men who have disposable income and other assets, with the aim of gaining access to economic wealth as co-wives. In the context of public and legal debate about the status of polygyny in PNG, these findings illustrate the need for a more balanced discussion about polygynous relationships, located within an understanding of women’s lived experiences.
Acknowledgements
This paper would not have been possible without the generous support of our host communities and the women who openly shared their experiences.
Notes
1 Should this study have been grounded in understanding patterns of marriage, particularly polygyny and how it has transformed over time and impacted upon gendered and familial and kin relations, we would have sought to examine the nexus of these relationships, including women’s in-laws.
2 Throughout PNG, particularly in the Highlands Region, a ‘big man’ is a well-respected and highly influential man in a village or community. See Lederman (Citation2015) who provides a thorough summary of the Highlander big man.
3 For example, see Zimmer-Tamakoshi’s (Citation2016, 257) story of Elizabeth who pretended her co-wife was her sister in order to protect her and allow her to live with Elizabeth and her husband in town. Furthermore, one of the first PNG HIV studies (Kelly et al. Citation2009) showed how, even in the context of a husband’s death from HIV, some co-wives continued to live together and/or care for their deceased co-wives’ children.
4 There are clearly examples that counter this argument, but they are not the dominant experiences of women. Even when there are examples of nupela women (women who are successful business owners), these women have often relied on their husbands and male kin (Zimmer-Tamakoshi Citation2016)
5 In the Eastern Highlands, thirteen in-depth interviews were conducted with girls (5), young women (3) and older women (5), as well as one focus group for young women (16 participants) and two focus groups for older women (24 participants). In the Western Highlands, 19 in-depth interviews were conducted with girls (7), young women (5) and older women (7), as well as two focus groups for girls (10 participants), three focus groups for young women (30 participants) and two focus groups for older women (20 participants).