Parties and the party system of Serbia and European integrations

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Notes

¹ Robert Ladrech, ‘Europeanization and political parties: towards a framework for analysis’, Party Politics, 8(4), 2002, pp. 389–403.

² Danica Fink-Hafner and Alenka Krašovec, ‘Europeanisation of the Slovenian party system—from marginal European impacts to the domestification of EU policy issue?’, Politics in Central Europe, 2, June 2006, p. 5.

³ Kurt Richard Luther and Ferdinand Muller-Rommel (eds), Political Parties in the New Europe, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2005, p. 295.

⁴ The largest are the European People's Party (EPP), the Party of European Socialists (PES) and the European Federation of Liberal, Democratic and Reform Parties (ELDR); smaller groups like the European Federation of Green Parties, which replaced the Green Alliance in June 1993. Membership on an individual basis is formally prohibited and only allowed for national party delegations. Kurt Richard Luther and Ferdinand Muller-Rommel (eds), Political Parties in the New Europe, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2005, p. 296.

⁵ Ivan Krastev, Zamka nefleksibilnosti, Frustrirana društva, slabe države i demokratija, UNDP, Belgrade Fund for Political Excellence, Beograd, 2004 (UNDP Issue Papers, The Inflexibility Trap: Frustrated Societies, Weak States and Democracy), p. 19.

⁶ EU Western Balkans Summit, Thessaloniki, 21 June 2003; ‘Declaration?’, < http://www.europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/see/sum_08_03/decl.htm>.

⁷ Douglas W. Rae, ‘The network of competitive relationships between political parties is what I mean by the term political party system’, The Political Consequences of Electoral Laws, Yale University Press, New Haven, CT and London, 1967, p. 47.

⁸ At the first multiparty elections in 1990 there was a majoritarian electoral system (two rounds). The SPS won 46 per cent of the votes which thanks to the electoral system brought it 77.6 per cent of the mandates, that is, 194 out of 250 seats in the Assembly of Serbia. That was a single-party government. At the next elections in 1992 a proportional electoral system was introduced, with nine electoral districts. The SPS won 28.8 per cent of the votes and 40.4 per cent of the seats in Parliament (101 out of 250). This government lasted for nine months. At the elections in 1993 (a proportional electoral system, nine electoral districts), the SPS won 36.7 per cent of the votes and 42.2 per cent of the seats (123 out of 250), the Socialists needed three seats for a majority and they formed a government with the assistance of the ‘opposition’ New Democracy which had won six deputies' seats on the list of the DEPOS Coalition, which consisted of the Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO), the New Democracy (ND) and the Civic Alliance of Serbia (GSS). At the elections in 1997 (a proportional electoral system and 29 electoral districts), the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS)–Yugoslav Left (JUL)–ND won 34.25 per cent of the votes and 44 per cent of the seats (110 out of 250). A coalition government was formed involving the SPS, JUL and the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), the so-called ‘red–black coalition’ but, on the insistence of the radicals, without the ND.

⁹ Giovanni Sartori, Stranke i stranački sustavi (Analitički okvir) [Parties and Party Systems. A Framework for Analysis], Political Culture, Zagreb, 2002, pp. 120–127.

¹⁰ The DOS—Democratic Opposition of Serbia—which was created by uniting 18 political parties at the beginning of 2000, although not all members were (classical) parties, as follows: Democratic Party (DS), Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), Social Democracy (SD), Civic Alliance of Serbia (GSS), Demo-Christian Party of Serbia (DHSS), New Serbia (NS), Movement for Democratic Serbia (PDS), Social Democratic League of Vojvodina (LSV), Reformist Democratic Party of Vojvodina (RDSV), Alliance of Hungarians from Vojvodina (SVM), Vojvodina Coalition (KV), Democratic Alternative (DA), Democratic Centre (DC), New Democracy (ND), Social Democratic Union (SDU), Sandzak Democratic Party (SDP), League for Sumadija (LZS), Serbian Resistance Movement–Democratic Movement (SPO-DM) and Association of Free and Independent Unions.

¹¹ We wrote about this in: ‘Europeanization and democratization of parties and party system of Serbia’ [Special issue: Democratisation and Europeanisation of political parties in Central and South-Eastern Europe], Politics in Central Europe (PCE)—The Journal of the Central European Political Science Association, 3(1/2), 2007, pp. 92–105.

¹² Laakso Marku and Rein Taagepera, ‘Effective number of parties: a measure with application to West Europe’, Comparative Political Studies, 12, 1979, pp. 3–27; here we use the same approach described in: Taagepera Rain and Mattew Sobert Shugart, ‘Seats and votes: the effects and determinants of electoral systems’, The Effective Number of Parties, Chapter 8, Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1989.

¹³ We wrote in detail about this in: ‘Liderstvo u politickim partijama Srbije’ [Leadership in political parties of Serbia], in Zoran Lutovac (ed.), Politicke stranke i biraci u drzavama bivse Jugoslavije [Political Parties and Voters in States of the Former Yugoslavia], Institute of Social Sciences and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Belgrade, 2006, pp. 137–171.

¹⁴ Sartori Giovanni, Stranke i stranački sustavi (Analitički okvir) [Parties and Party Systems. A Framework for Analysis], Political Culture, Zagreb, 2002, p. 287.

¹⁵ From DS: SLS (1990)—Serbian Liberal Party; DSS (1992)—DHSS (1997)—Demo-Christian Party of Serbia; DC (1994 NGO, 1996 party)—Democratic Centre; NDS (2001)—Popular Democratic Party; LDP (2005)—Liberal Democratic Party. From SPO—SNS (1994)—Unified Popular Party; SPO—Together (1997); NS (1998)—New Serbia; NS—Justice (2000)—Popular Party—Justice; DSPO (2005) Democratic Serbian move of renewal. From SRS—RSS (1993)—Radical Party of Serbia; SRS—Nikola Pašić (1994); URSS (1996)—United Radical Party of Serbia. From SPS—SDP (1992)—Social Democratic Party; DA (1997)—Democratic Alternative; DSP (2000)—Democratic Socialist Party; SSP (2000)—Serbian Social Democratic Party; SNP (2002)—Socialist Popular Party; GSS—SDU (1996)—Social Democratic Union. This is a supplemented review, first illustrated in: Slaviša Orlović, Političke partije i moć [Political Parties and Power], Jugoslovensko udruženje za političke nauke i Čigoja štampa, Beograd, 2002, p. 273.

¹⁶ In the parliaments of eight European countries there are more than 30 per cent women, while in Southern Europe the parliaments of Macedonia, UNMIK Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia have more women than the average in today's 27 EU members.

¹⁷ Per party affiliation, the shares of women in Parliament in 2003 were as follows: G17 Plus—29.7 per cent, DS—16.2 per cent, DSS—13.2 per cent, SPO-NS—9 per cent, SRS—4.9 per cent, SPS—4.5 per cent.

¹⁸ Although all parties claimed they would respect this recommendation of the OSCE, after the 2007 elections only G17 did so—out of 19 mandates, seven belong to female deputies (36.8 per cent). The Democratic Party offered 15 seats out of 61 to women (24.6 per cent), the Democratic Party of Serbia six out of 33 (18.8 per cent), the Serbian Radical Party gave women 13 mandates out of 81 (16.04 per cent), while the Socialist Party of Serbia will be represented by only two female deputies out of 19 (10.52 per cent). The League of Social Democrats of Vojvodina equally divided its four mandates. New Serbia will be represented by two female deputies (20 per cent), United Serbia by one (out of two mandates it won), while the Serbian Democratic Renewal Movement gave both its mandates to men, the same as with the List for Sandzak. Out of three mandates, the Alliance of Hungarians from Vojvodina gave one to a woman. In percentage shares, the smallest number of female deputies will be among the socialists (two) and radicals (13 out of 81 deputies).

¹⁹ Jelica Rjacic-Capakovic and Marijana Pajvancic, ‘Zene u politickim strankama’ [Women in political parties], in Politicke stranke u Srbiji, struktura i funkcionisanje [Political Parties in Serbia, Structure and Functioning], Institute of Social Sciences and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Belgrade, 2005, pp. 75–90.

²⁰ Joseph Kasa (Kasza Jozsef) from the Alliance of Hungarians from Vojvodina was the Vice-President in Djindjic's government. Rasim Ljajic was the Minister for Human and Minority Rights, and representatives of the List for Sandzak were state secretaries.

²¹ The Law on the Protection of Rights and Freedom of National Minorities, Official Gazette of the FRY, 2002.

²² Seymon Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan, ‘Territorial opposition set limits to the process of nation-building; pushed to their extreme they lead to war, secession, possibly even population transfers’, ‘Cleavage structure, party systems and voter alignment: an introduction’, in Party Systems and Voter Alignments Cross-National Perspectives, The Free Press, New York, 1967, p. 10.

²³ Seymon Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan, ‘Cleavage structure, party systems and voter alignment: an introduction’, in Party Systems and Voter Alignments Cross-National Perspectives, 1967, p. 5.

²⁴ Vladimir Goati, Partijske borbe u Srbiji u postpetooktobarskom razdoblju [Party Struggles in Serbia in the Period after the October 5], Institute of Social Sciences and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Belgrade, 2006, p. 48.

²⁵ Paul G. Lewis and Zdenka Mansfeldova, ‘Those European party federations, the Europarties, are the most crucial vehicles of standardization’, in Paul G. Lewis and Zdenka Mansfeldova (eds), The European Union and Party Politics in Central and Eastern Europe, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke, 2006, p. 263.

²⁶ On this see: Slaviša Orlović, ‘Liderstvo u politickimm partijama Srbije’ [Leadership in political parties of Serbia], in Zoran Lutovac (ed.), Politicke stranke i biraci u drzavama bivse Jugoslavije [Political Parties and Voters in States of the Former Yugoslavia], Institute of Social Sciences and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Belgrade, 2006, pp. 137–171.

²⁷ The Resolution was adopted on 13 October 2004. Source: < http://www.parlament.sr.gov.yu/content/cir/akta/ostalaakta.asp>.

²⁸ Institutional engineering in Western Europe is continually present as regards the EU. In Germany, according to Beyme, 1/5 of laws are a result of requests from Brussels. Klaus Von Beyme, ‘Institutional engineering and transition to democracy’, in Democratic Consolidation in Eastern Europe, Institutional Engineering, Vol. 1, Oxford University Press, Oxford, p. 5.

²⁹ The EU Integration Office was established by the Decree of the Government on 8 March 2004 (‘Official Gazette’ No. 25/04) and continued to perform tasks of the former Sector for European Integrations of the Ministry for International Economic Relations.

³⁰ Ivan Krastev, Zamka nefleksibilnosti, Frustrirana drustva, slabe drzave i demokratija [The Inflexibility Trap: Frustrated Societies, Weak States and Democracy], UNDP, Belgrade Fund for Political Excellence, Belgrade, 2004, p. 31.

³¹ The new Constitution of Serbia was adopted on 28–29 October 2006 at a Referendum and proclaimed on 8 November 2006 in the Assembly.

³² Paul G. Lewis and Zdenka Mansfeldova, ‘In the 1990s the dimensions of Euroscepticism and authoritarianism largely coincided’, The European Union and Party Politics in Central and Eastern Europe, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke, 2006.

³³ First, on 26 October 2000 it was admitted into the Stability Pact for South-East Europe, on 1 November in the United Nations, on 10 November membership in the OSCE was renewed, on 17 November it resumed diplomatic relations with the USA, Germany, France and Great Britain, on 20 December it became a member of the International Monetary Fund, while in April 2003 it became a member of the Council of Europe.

³⁴ The National Bank of Serbia, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development gives another estimation—US$3117, Transition Report 2006: Finance in Transition, European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, London, 2006.

³⁵ National Employment Service, National Bank of Serbia, Economist Intelligence Unit, etc.

³⁶ At a Referendum held in May 2006 Montenegro chose independence.

³⁷ In December 2004, Jovica Stanisic and Franko Simatovic and then in 2005 also Vladimir Lazarevic, Milan Milutinovic, Nikola Sainovic and Dragoljub Ojdanic.

³⁹ Judy Batt, Sveske iz Šajoa, br. 81. Avgust 2005. Pitanje Srbije, Institut za studije bezbednosti Evropska unija, Pariz, Beogradski fond za političku izuzetnost, 2005 (Challot paper no. 81, August 2005, The Question of Serbia, EU Institute for Security Studies, 2005), p. 9.

³⁸ Source: Jelica Minić and Jasminka Kronja, Regionalna saradnja za razvoj i evropsku integraciju [Regional Cooperation for Development and European Integration], European Movement in Serbia, 2007, p. 13.

⁴⁰ Survey carried out by the SMMRI Group (Strategic Marketing and Media Research Institute Group) for the needs of the EU Integration Office of the Government of Serbia.

⁴¹ George Sorensen, Democracy and Democratization, Process and Prospects in a Changing World, Westview Press, A Member of Perseus Books, 1998, p. 54.

⁴² Klaus Von Beyme, Transformacija političkih stranaka [Transformation of Political Parties], FPN, Zagreb, 2002, p. 57.

⁴³ Mladen Lazić, Promene i otpori, Srbija u transformacijskim procesima [Changes and Resistance, Serbia in Transformation Processes], Filip Višnjić, Beograd, 2005, p. 105.

⁴⁴ Srećko Mihailović, ‘Gubitnici i dobitnici tranzicije u Srbiji’ [Winners and losers of the transition in Serbia], Republika, 1 June–31 July 2006.