https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1760-1182
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ABSTRACT
As the conflict in Thailand’s southern border provinces shows no signs of abating, this article examines why Malay Muslims have managed to co-exist alongside the Thai Buddhists and the Sino-Thai population. Based on fieldwork, this article argues that while various factors have hardened ethno-religious identities and strengthened boundaries between ‘the other’ which in turn have affected inter-ethnic relations, a variety of opportunities for civic engagement has served to counter the prospect of ethnic relations erupting into communal violence.
Acknowledgments
The authors would like to thank two anonymous reviewers for their kind comments and suggestions.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Correction Statement
This article has been republished with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.
Notes
1. For example, see Reid, “Patani as a Paradigm of Pluralism.”
2. Jory, “From ‘Melayu Muslims’ to ‘Muslims.’”
3. Jerryson, “Appropriating a Space for Violence.”
4. McCargo, “The Politics of Buddhist Identity.”
5. Nilsen, “Negotiating Thainess.”
6. Eriksen, Ethnicity and Nationalism, 67–75.
7. Friedland, “Religious Nationalism”, 130.
8. Brubaker, “Religion and Nationalism.”
9. Miller, Autonomy and Armed Separatism.
10. Ghai, Autonomy and ethnicity.
11. Lijphart, “Consociational Democracy.”
12. For example, Young, The Accommodation of Cultural Diversity.
13. International Crisis Group, “Thailand: The Evolving Conflict,” 6.
14. Satha-Anand, “When Autonomy is not an Option?”
15. Varshney, “Ethnic Conflict and Civil Society.”
16. Ibid, 363.
17. Ibid.
18. Hecter, Internal Colonialism.
19. Eriksen, Ethnicity and Nationalism, 68.
20. According to data collected by the Deep South Watch, insurgency-related violence accounts for more than 70 per cent out of all the violence recorded while the causal factors behind 19 per cent of the incidents are unknown. The remaining share of the violence is associated with crime, narcotics and political disputes, which has contributed 4.7 per cent, 2.8 per cent and 0.4 per cent of the violence, respectively.
21. Deep South Watch, “Kwam Kat Yang Chai Dan Tai.”
22. Patani spelt with one ‘t’ has become a controversial term that is used by insurgency groups to refer to the area of the former Patani Sultanate to indicate an era prior to its formal incorporation into Siam. Others, such as historians, also refer to ‘Patani’ to discuss earlier or alternative versions of the region. Pattani with two ‘t’s refers to one of the three southernmost provinces under Thai rule.
23. International Crisis Group, “Southern Thailand,” 6.
24. See note 21 above.
25. McCargo, “Southern Thailand,” 217.
26. Albritton, “Political Diversity Among Muslims,” 235.
27. Suwannathat-Pian, “National Identity, the ‘Sam-Sam’,” 156–57.
28. It is difficult to verify how much support among the Malay Muslim population for the insurgency. However, while some have indicated that injustices need to be addressed possibly through autonomy, this does not necessarily translate into support for violence or outright separation from the Thai state.
29. Horstmann, “Ethnohistorical Perspectives,” 78.
30. McCargo, Mapping National Anxieties, 50.
31. Interview, 15 September 2018.
32. Interview, 14 September 2018.
33. Pisan, “Chulajamontri Tee Mai Chai Chao Thai.”
34. Suwannathat-Pian, “National Identity, the “Sam-Sams’,” 156.
35. Dorairajoo, “Peaceful Thai, Violent Malay (Muslim),” 78.
36. Kaewdang, War and Peace, 7.
37. See note 4 above.
38. Horstmann, “Ethnohistorical Perspectives,” 78.
39. Burr, “Thai-speaking Muslims,” 56.
40. Prachuamoh, “The Role of Women.”
41. Satha-Anand, The Life of this World.
42. Jory, “From ‘Melayu Patani’,” 269–70.
43. Ibid, 162.
44. Jerryson, “Appropriating a Space for Violence,” 38.
45. Ibid.
46. McCargo, “The Politics of Buddhist Identity,” 24.
47. Ibid, 25–7.
48. McCartan, “Buddhist Death Squads.”
49. McCargo, “The Politics of Buddhist Identity,” 28.
50. Thai Post, “Thai Phut Ruam Tua Kan.”
51. Interview, 24 November 2016.
52. The authors would like to thank Chittree Aungsupanich for providing us with statistical data from the Prince of Songkla University Pattani Campus’s student registration office.
53. Interview, 25 February 2017.
54. Jitpiromsri and McCargo, “A Ministry for the South.”
55. Bangkok Post, “Chalerm wants Public Hearing.”
56. Bangkok Post, “Govt Quietly Studies South.”
57. Panjor, “Pak Pracha Sangkom.”
58. See note 53 above.
59. Panjor, “Attabanyat Patani?”, 15–16.
60. Interview, 26 February 2017.
61. Pathan and Nanuam, “Safety Zones.”
62. Burke et al, “The Contested Corners of Asia,” 63.
63. Interview, 2 November 2016.
64. Engvall, “Poverty and Conflict in Southeast Asia,” 23.
65. Interview with a representative from the Young Executive Network, 4 November 2016.
66. Interview, 28 February 2017.
67. The National Official Statistics of Thailand, “Chumnuan Karn Kerd.”
68. Jitpiromsri and Sobhanvasu, “Unpacking Thailand’s Southern Conflict.”
69. Interview, 20 July 2018.
70. Srimalee, “Bt30-bn Infrastructure Plan.”
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Notes on contributors
Chanintira na Thalang
Chanintira na Thalang is Associate Professor of International Relations at Thammasat University. Her current research interests include ASEAN; global IR, ethnic conflicts and ethno-nationalism with a special focus on Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines.
Chontida Auikool
Chontida Auikool is a Lecturer of Southeast Asian studies at Thammasat University. She earned a Bachelor’s Degree in Southeast Asian Studies and completed her Master’s Degree in International Relations from Thammasat University. Her research interests include Indonesia’s political history, Chinese in Indonesia, conflict and violence in Southeast Asia, and Southeast Asian film.