Sperm and simulacra: emotional capitalism and sperm donation industry

Abstract

The article proposes sociological insights into the sperm banking industry, derived from a qualitative study of extended sperm donor profiles in six large American sperm banks. We content analyzed the extended profiles and baby photos of 120 randomly selected donors who appear in the catalogues. Inspired by Baudrillard's and Illouz's writings on the postmodern era, we show how sperm banks de-commodify sperm, personify donations, facilitate the romanticization of the donor–recipient bond, and add an emotional context to the economic transaction. The donors’ extended profiles constitute a simulacrum of a living male partner and fulfill recipients’ fantasies. This creates a powerful reenchantment mechanism counterbalancing the anonymity and disenchantment characterizing donor insemination technology in particular and the postmodern spirit in general.

Keywords:

• hyperreality
• personification
• simulacrum

Introduction

The American sperm donation industry represents a promising field for social scientists who are interested in examining social and cultural phenomena of the postmodern era. This industry is a unique arena in which personal emotions and dreams encounter the constraints of technological and medical reality as mediated through economic transactions. It constitutes a social space where many people fulfill their desire to have a biological child while others experience the shattering of their dreams.

In this article, we provide a number of sociological insights into the interface between genetics and societal and cultural phenomena; in so doing we explore the role of imagination in the reproductive decisions of people in the postmodern era. Specifically, our main argument is that romanticization of the donor–recipient bond and personification of the sperm are strategies adopted by the industry to de-commodify sperm in order to achieve the ultimate commodification of human gametes. While giving birth to a child with a partner is accompanied by a culturally constructed romantic aura, conceiving by means of a sperm donation is perceived as a technical act devoid of a similar charm. In this sense, fertility technology, a process that usually starts by searching for the desired genetic material at sperm banks, represents a “disenchantment mechanism.” The disenchantment of the sperm donation industry stands in sharp contrast to the reenchantment power of romantic love in the dating industry. According to Illouz (1997), romantic love is a counter-force which reenchants postmodern life. The counterbalance between the disenchanting process of donor insemination (DI) techniques and the reenchantment of romantic love demonstrates Tiryakian's (1992) claim that mixed trends of disenchantment mechanisms in certain arenas coexist with reenchantment mechanisms in other areas of life.

Commodification of genetic material is perhaps one of the most significant aspects of disenchantment in postmodern life. Since commodification may be performed in elusive and implicit modalities, we argue that a counter-process, namely, the decommodification of sperm donations, should be seen as serving the capitalistic goal of commodification. Given this, in this article we critically analyze the way human substance is exhibited and marketed to potential clients. We examine how donors present themselves in profiles, which characteristics are highlighted, and the narratives and images included in the donors’ extended profiles in order to examine two main issues: (a) the gender ideology conveyed by the sperm banks through the themes that appear in the donors’ narratives and (b) the way sperm recipients’ fantasies, encouraged and supported by the commercial sperm banks, paradoxically and somewhat manipulatively, drive the industry into the ultimate commodification of the sperm, the donors, and the service of DI. This investigation brings to light how the sperm donation industry, as a benefit-driven business, applies personification, idealization, and perfectionization practices to donor profiles as mechanisms aimed at humanizing and, hence, decommodifying genetic material for the clients, in order to add an emotional context and thus reenchant the process. The reenchantment of DI prepares the ground for raising the recipients’ willingness to pay for the customer experience, and thus works to maximize profits, resulting in the ultimate commodification of sperm. To preface our own research, we next provide a short overview of the US sperm banking industry and then describe the theoretical and methodological framework for our study.

The American sperm banking market: an overview

The first sperm bank was founded in 1950 at the University of Iowa, and pioneering research in DI began in 1954. In 1972, several commercial sperm banks were founded which offer DI in the manner of any other economic transaction (Sherman 1979). Every year, approximately 75,000 children are born in the USA with the aid of sperm donation (Xytex 2014). The sperm banking market is growing steadily at an average annual growth rate of 2.4% and showed a total revenue of $321 million during the years 2007–2012 (IBISWorld 2012). Today, there are 72 sperm banks operating in the USA. The scarcity of state or federal regulation has left the sperm industry a “Wild West” (Spar 2006), a space in which sperm banks operate in a free market regulated by profit-driven, cost–benefit considerations (Pietrzak 2012; Spar 2006). The void is filled, then, by professional associations such as the American Society for Reproductive Medicine and American Association of Tissue Banks rather than by federal laws. Most companies offer the “standard” semen of healthy and above-average intelligent men who are mostly Caucasians. There are also some niche banks; for example, during the years 1980–1999 there was a boutique bank which offered semen of Nobel Laureates and people who had attained a doctoral degree. Homophobic and heterosexist attitudes and practices are prevalent in fertility clinics and sperm banks (Cahill and Tobias 2007; Ryan and Berkowitz 2009). Hence, some sperm banks were established with the aim of serving the lesbian and gay clientele. Similarly, patriarchal attitudes of the medical staff conveyed during the interpersonal interactions with either single or lesbian unmarried women led to the establishment in 1982 of a feminist sperm bank headed and directed by women (The Hasting Center 1983). The ethnic diversity of the American population was a major catalyst in founding another niche bank; this bank was established as a response to the gap between the demand by consumers of various ethnic, racial, and religious sectors for sperm donated by men of the same origin, and the paucity of semen of ethnic minorities in most “regular” banks; accordingly, this bank's main goal is to supply gametes donated by men of diverse religious and ethnic backgrounds (Tober 2001).

In 1973 the Uniform Parentage Act was approved in the USA, with the aim of granting infertile men legal recognition as the natural fathers of children born to their wives through DI. Today, public opinion regarding DI for heterosexual couples is widely positive; however, such an accepting attitude is not equivalently shown toward unmarried women. Many writers and thinkers, all of them men, express moral panic regarding the ability of unmarried women to bear and rear a child without a father. The most influential, though controversial, treatise on the fatherlessness phenomenon in general and on sperm fathers in particular is David Blankenhorn's book Fatherless America (1995). Blankenhorn stresses that the basic human right of the child, as explicitly articulated in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, to know and be raised by her own two natural biological parents is violated in ever-growing numbers of families. In a chapter titled “The sperm father,” he argues that “The sperm father completes his fatherhood prior to the birth of the child. … .He is a minimalist father … .he is an unfather … ” (1995, 176). Blankenhorn raises the concern that “to make room for the Sperm Father is also to insist upon the essential irrelevance of all fathers” (1995, 177) and therefore calls for legislation prohibiting DI out of wedlock. Leo (1995) shares Blankenhorn's view that most social problems are caused by fatherlessness, a phenomenon caused mainly by divorce but also fueled by sperm purchase in the free market:

Biological fatherhood was once understood by society to carry with it permanent moral obligations to the child. Now it can involve nothing more than a financially strapped college student masturbating into a cup for fifty dollars and writing a vaguely caring letter to an offspring he will never see or care about. (26)

Feminist scholars and leaders express a diametrically opposed attitude, advocating free sperm consumption as a significant step toward women's liberation (e.g. de Beauvoire 1989; Hanson 2001; Reineke 2008). Reproductive liberty is seen by most, if not all, feminists as a crucial factor in overcoming the patriarchal oppressive social order; they nevertheless realize that this liberating potential has not been fulfilled yet (Adrian 2010; Daniels 2006; Rapp 1988).

Self-presentation in donor profiles

Profiles are major marketing tools for the sperm banking agencies, and failure to display desired donors may impede the bank's business success (Bokek-Cohen 2014). As detailed donor profiles are offered to recipients in return for additional payment, it is worth examining how the donors tend to present themselves. Self-marketing takes place after the man is accepted to the program. In her work on egg agencies and sperm banks, Almeling (2006) contends that in contrast to personal interviews with individual donors or anthropological observations of agency staff, donor profiles can be seen as the textual product of the interaction between donors and staff. Almeling also notes that “I did not hear of a single case of a man being rejected simply because of his responses to profile questions” (2006, 149). Given the importance of donor profiles, Almeling has concluded that women and men who apply to egg donation agencies and sperm banks are advised about the appropriate responses. In her words: “While donors are responsible for filling out their own profiles, it is clear that they are not producing unmediated texts that travel from their keyboards to the agency's website” (2006, 154). Émon (2012) reaches similar conclusions from her doctoral fieldwork, which included observing the work of the staff members of a commercialized sperm bank as well as interviewing them.

Potential consumers of sperm donations can choose the desired genetic material by viewing donor profiles (Almeling 2007, 2011; Bokek-Cohen 2014; Kroløkke 2009; Moore 2007). Besides the standard profile, which includes basic information about height, weight, eye, and hair color, most sperm banks offer an extended profile for extra payment ranging from US$19 to US$30, with some banks providing baby and childhood pictures, as well as current photos. Handwritten essays and audiotape interviews with the donor are also sold as additional cues to his personality, because cultural norms make certain characteristics more desired. The banks offer both anonymous donors and, for a higher price, also “open” donors; open donors are those who agree to have their identity released and to be approached by their offspring after they reach the age of 18.

Extended donor profiles provide a psychological added value of buying a whole “ancestry package” which includes a paternal persona and his extended family. This claim can be qualified to contend that this “ancestry package” may be desired particularly by unmarried women, either single or lesbian. According to Deborah Dempsey, a leading scholar in the area of same-sex parenthood, lesbian couples prefer to form a joint parenthood contract with a gay man, because of the importance they attach to the paternal biological tie and its significance to the future child (Dempsey 2012). Because of the expected difficulties to which these triadic relationships are prone, the “second best” alternative may be buying sperm from an open donor, or the less expensive option of buying sperm from an anonymous donor who, by delivering his moral and cultural legacy via the extended profile, embodies a paternal persona. In general, married couples are not interested in knowing so many details about the donor and tend to stay emotionally distant from him as a person. They concentrate only on his genetic material, while his attitudes, life style, and hobbies are largely irrelevant to the selection decision (Hanson 2001). In a study of 148 couples who conceived through egg or sperm donations, it was found that physical appearance, especially resemblance to the infertile partner in terms of ethnic origin and physical traits, was the most crucial consideration in the donor selection phase. Of relatively lower significance was matching the infertile spouse's personality to that of the donor (Becker, Butler, and Nachtigall 2005). In sharp contrast to the high confidentiality typical of heterosexual couples, unmarried women are eager to provide their fatherless children with a sense of their paternal legacy (Pennings 2000). For single and lesbian women, the donor plays a more significant role in the process and is not simply a provider of genetic material. Hanson's (2001) findings indicate that most unmarried women think of their donors as complete human beings and looked for a donor whose personality and character they liked. In the words of one of her interviewees: “ … our child will have a paternal history, there won't be just a blank space” (Hanson 2001, 305). Therefore, from this point on, the terms “client,” “customer,” or “recipient,” used here interchangeably, will relate only to those customers who do not have a male partner; these women constitute the majority of sperm bank clientele (Almeling 2007).

Theoretical framework

In the very first profiles we read, it was surprising to see how donor profiles so closely resemble online dating profiles, both of which include personal information about hobbies, horoscope, likes and dislikes, and so on. We therefore adopted postmodern philosopher Jean Baudrillard's theory of Hyperreality, as well as his observation of simulacra (1983, 1994) as the theoretical framework. Hyperreality refers to people's inability to distinguish reality from a simulation of reality; what is real and what is fiction are seamlessly blended together so that there is no clear distinction between where one ends and the other begins. Baudrillard (1994) notes that nowadays more and more individuals are involved with the hyperreal world and less with the real physical world. The phenomenon of hyperreality is also discussed by Eco (1986), who relates to people's tendency to fabricate a false reality in order to experience it as a reality of the kind they most desire but cannot achieve. Data analysis and interpretation illustrate how sperm banks provide a platform for the emergence of a simulacrum of either an unattained or an unattainable living man. Clients do not purchase semen only; rather they are swept up into an exciting hyperreality of buying a whole “ancestry package” of family which includes the baby, the virtual father, and often also his virtual parents and siblings (Bokek-Cohen 2014). Simulacra (the plural form of simulacrum) are copies of objects that depict things that either had no reality to begin with, or that no longer have an original (Baudrillard 1994). According to this view, postmodern societies are organized cultural modes of representation that “simulate” reality, as in television, computer cyberspace, and virtual reality. Hence, a basic assumption is made in the present study: disenchantment of human procreation is ever-present in the sperm banking industry, because DI simulates natural human reproduction by a medicalized “introduction” made between female and male human gametes.

However, the experience of disenchantment of the world can be counterbalanced. Since the purchase of genetic material has both economic and emotional aspects, Illouz's writings on the relationship between these two allegedly distinct realms can serve as a useful framework for the purpose of elaborating our theoretization of sperm donor selection. In her book Cold Intimacies (2007), Illouz systematically shows how emotions in postmodern society have been actively mobilized, solicited, and shaped by economic forces, thus making modern people simultaneously emotional and economic actors. Illouz presents a unique and sophisticated analysis of the capitalism–emotions relationship, which negates commonly accepted notions of a cold non-emotional world controlled by capitalism. Illouz presents the alternative concept of “emotional capitalism,” claiming that, paradoxically, capitalism has cultivated a culture of intensified emotions, where economic relations have become emotional while intimate relationships are defined by economic and political principles. One of the many places where Illouz finds evidence for “emotional capitalism” is online dating services, an arena where intimate relationships are sought and produced. Relevant to our topic is her analysis of the experienced fantasy of online daters. Dating services provide the client with a pleasant sense of fantasy when imagining the potential partner based on her/his self-presentation, whereas meeting the person or just viewing her/his photo usually leads to disappointment (Illouz 2007).

Another phenomenon related to capitalism is commodification, a process by which an item comes to have market value. Many sociological investigations of fertility technologies have arrived at a similar conclusion: human gametes have become an object of commodification (Daniels 2004; Moore 2007; Murray 1996). Almeling (2006, 2007) analyzes the bodily commodification of ova and sperm and explores “how staff at medicalized donation programs assign value to reproductive cells and reproductive bodies based on economic definitions of scarcity and gendered cultural norms of motherhood and fatherhood” (2007, 320). In addition to gamete commodification, the sperm donors themselves have also become subject to commodification (Daniels 2004). The present study goes one step further: in our view, it is not only the genetic substance and the donors which are commodified. The sperm industry provides a service which is itself a subject of commodification. Viewing the sperm industry in the context of a service rather than the sale of a physical product only is the unique perspective of this essay.

Methodology

The primary data for this article are the donor profile catalogues of six sperm banks in the USA. We undertook a content analysis to available sperm donor profiles between 12 January and 20 April, 2013. All sperm banks feature a “browse” function to seek profiles that meet race, ethnic, and religious criteria. In order to become well-grounded in the reality of the contents being analyzed, Kimberly Neuendorf, a leading expert on the methodology of content analysis, recommends the researcher to “go native.” As she puts it:

 … if one wants to content analyze relationship development among soap opera characters, one needs to become, at least temporarily, a soap fan. And to analyze nonverbal styles of stand-up comics, one has to nominally become a connoisseur of comedy. (2002, 103)

Therefore, with the aim of better understanding and decoding the messages, we browsed the websites of six large sperm banks the same way a client does. Prior to beginning the study, ethical approval was secured from the Behavioral Research Ethics Board of our university after careful examination of the ethical guidelines of the ASA (2014).

Sampling

The data set of extended profiles was created in a two-stage sampling process. In the first stage, we identified the sperm banks that operate both nationally and internationally and are relatively large (those having more than 40 donors exhibited in the catalogue on the bank's website). Of the 72 sperm banks in the USA (IBISWorld 2012), 22 had more than 40 donors at the beginning of the data collection (January 2013). One of these banks declared itself a feminist bank and another appealed to gay clientele; therefore, these two banks were removed from the sample as having unique goals which warrant a separate study. Six additional banks were removed from the data set because their extended profiles were very scant and too short for the planned content analysis. We picked 6 banks out of the remaining 14 based on their location, with the aim of having a wide geographical representation; thus, the sperm banks in the final data set were from the following American states: California; New York; Virginia; Washington; Georgia; and Minnesota.

These sperm banks’ catalogues are organized according to the race of the donor; the categorization is made by all of the banks as follows: White; Asian; Hispanic; African-American; and Multiple. The majority of population residing in the above-mentioned states is Caucasian, with some ethnic minorities concentrated in a number of metropolitan areas. The percentage of the white citizens who reside in New York is 71.7%; in California 74.1%; in Georgia 63.4%; in Minnesota 87.1%; in Virginia 71.5%; and in Washington 82.3% (United States Census Bureau 2013). For the purpose of our investigation, we included only Anglo-Caucasian donors, leaving cross-cultural comparisons with ethnic minorities, such as Latino American or Asian and African-Americans, a subject for future investigation.

While some of the banks present their catalogues publicly, some others present only sample profiles and charge payment for viewing the whole catalogue. Since a basic theoretical axiom of the study is the commodification of sperm, only banks that exhibit their “goods” in the display window, that is, their website, were included. We downloaded all the 533 available sperm donor profiles and saved them. In order to be representative, the profiles to be analyzed had to have an equal and random chance of being selected for analysis from the entire pool of the sperm banks studied. We conducted a simple random sampling by randomly selecting 20 profiles from each of the 6 banks. This was accomplished using a random number generator, since each profile upon its creation is assigned a unique numeric identifier within the site. We added serial numbers to profiles from those banks that identify their donors by pseudonyms. The overall data set includes 120 profiles. We also conducted a visual analysis of the baby photos and looked for common features that appeared in most of them. The data set included 32 randomly selected photos from the 120 selected donors.

Data analysis

A review of content analyses regarding self-presentation in dating or social networks informed our coding system. The unit of analysis was either by single utterance or single image as a reference. A comprehensive content analysis was then made of a sample of 120 donor profiles. At the beginning of the analysis, the two authors conducted an initial evaluation to identify common motifs that appeared in the verbal text. During the initial coding by the first author, the second author recoded a 20% random profile sample to assess inter-rater reliability. Unclear themes during initial coding by the first author and cases where there was disagreement were both discussed to reach consensus. Cohen's Kappa for inter-rater reliability in the coding of the profiles was 0.82.

We used microanalysis of the text (Strauss and Corbin 1998) to look for common themes that appeared in the answers to similar questions among profiles. The data analysis process consisted of systematic line-by-line coding by the authors of the text in each field in the profiles. Data analysis was conducted in an iterative process, in which data from one profile were confirmed or contradicted by data from others in order to refine theoretical categories, propositions, and conclusions as they emerged from the data (Lincoln and Guba 1985). Verbal narratives were analyzed using Glaser and Strauss's (1967) constant comparison approach to qualitative analysis. Category identification involved analyzing between and across narratives (Silverman 1993).

In order to deepen our understanding of the processes taking place in donor selection, we added visual analysis of donors’ baby photos. A widely accepted distinction among visual analysts is made between “found” images: those which were not prepared for the purpose of the study and “made” images: objects that research subjects make with (and for) the researcher (Riessman 2008, 141). Becker notes that there are some interpretive decisions in every photograph: “The choice of the film, development of the paper … of moment and relation with subjects – all of these … shape the end product” (Becker 1986, 241). Obviously donors’ baby photos were not made for the research or for the sperm bank. But they also were not just “found,” as donors did not pick them randomly. They seem to have been carefully and thoughtfully selected by them as a strategy of impression management. Pictures were chosen that convey impressions which were perceived by donors as appropriate to accompany their verbal text.

At the beginning of the analysis, the authors looked separately at the photos in order to obtain a generic grasp of the messages and impressions that recur. Our analysis was conducted by using hardcopy rather than software for content analysis; hence, it lasted five months, starting after the completion of the profile sampling. We looked at both the objects and the setting in each picture. During this initial phase, each author independently recoded six photos to assess inter-rater reliability. The authors reached a consensus of 78%. In the second phase, the authors conducted an initial evaluation to identify common motifs. In this phase, the raw data were carefully and thoroughly examined in an attempt to identify physical objects or attributes that seemed to appear repeatedly. This was an iterative process, during which the photos were observed four to six times in order to detect similarities and differences, and to check whether the same motifs that appear in each photo corresponded with those in the other photos. The analysis yielded an identification of seven motifs. Cohen's Kappa for inter-rater reliability in the coding of the photos was 0.78. Unclear themes and cases of disagreement were discussed to reach consensus. Two of the motifs – whether the hair was combed and whether the face was clean – were united into one because of the similar meanings attached to them. In the last phase, the photos were reviewed again to assure that each motif appeared in at least six different donor photos. This step confirmed the previous identification of seven common themes.

The donor as a perfect and a better-than-average real-life man

The average donor of the 533 profiles is 24 years old, 5'10¼″ tall, weighing 173 pounds. From the content analysis of the sampled 120 profiles, it appears that donors tend to emphasize their own intelligence as reflected in their occupation and education, physical fitness, moral values, as well as favorite activities and interests. The most frequent attributes were “honest,” “intelligent,” “loving,” “loyal,” “easy-going,” and “adventurous.” Similarly to Almeling's (2007) study of donors’ motivations to donate, almost all donors declare they want to help people who have fertility problems and they also want to make money. Table 1 presents the main socio-demographic characteristics of the sample. A fictionalized sample profile is presented in the appendix; this profile is composed of answers from five different donors.

Table 1. Socio-demographic breakdown of donors of each sperm bank^a.

	Sperm banks
	A	B	C	D	E	F
Number of profiles	74	87	114	68	122	67
Race/ethnicity
White	67%	91%	78%	83%	88%	78%
Asian	15%	2%	6%	9%	4%	6%
Hispanic	3%	2%	7%	2%	0%	3%
African-American	10%	5%	0%	5%	6%	10%
Multiple	5%	0%	9%	1%	2%	3%
Age
Mean	23	23	25	24	27	25
Min, max	18,39	18,37	19,40	18,39	18,37	19,39
Standard deviation	4.3	5.4	4.4	6.2	5.1	4.6
Ages 18–22	39%	38%	34%	34%	31%	32%
Ages 23–27	39%	41%	45%	41%	37%	44%
Ages 28–40	22%	21%	21%	25%	32%	24%
Missing	0%	0%	0%	0%	3%	0%
Education
High school only	0%	3%	1%	0%	3%	0%
Some college	46%	51%	49%	37%	43%	36%
Bachelor's degree	44%	45%	47%	50%	34%	41%
Graduate degree	10%	1%	2%	8%	12%	16%
Missing	0%	0%	1%	5%	8%	7%
Occupation
Student	48%	56%	66%	48%	58%	71%
Nonstudent	51%	44%	30%	49%	42%	10%
Missing	1%	0%	4%	3%	0%	19%
Marital status
Single	74%	73%	77%	81%	74%	81%
Married	22%	24%	17%	17%	20%	17%
Divorced	4%	2%	5%	2%	3%	2%
Missing	0%	1%	1%	0%	3%	0%
Has children	17%	N/A	19%	15%	N/A	5%
Identity release	24%	37%	19%	48%	38%	N/A

^aThe table is structured according to Almeling's (2011, 184–185) table of socio-demographic variables describing sperm donors at the banks she studied, in order to make comparisons easier, with the aim of establishing a uniform format of data presentation for future studies.

The standard profiles include physical data regarding health and genetic tests for diseases, and height, weight, eye and hair color, and so on. Besides the physical information, there is much information regarding non-heritable traits, as if the recipient would be interested in the donor as a partner. The presentation of non-heritable information in profiles as a phenomenon is not to be taken for granted, but rather as an issue for sociological interpretation. A comprehensive study about women's mate and donor preferences was conducted by Scheib (1994). She compared desired attributes in a “real” partner and in a sperm donor, and asked 119 women to rate the importance of traits belonging to four categories: character, health, physical appearance, and abilities (including intellectual ability). The character of the donor was given the lowest heritability rating (1.93 on a 1–5 scale), which means that subjects were aware of the low probability of genetic transmission of personality traits. In spite of the fact that subjects believed personality to have low heritability, this factor was rated as very important when selecting a sperm donor (the second most important after health). The abilities of the male partner were rated as being of medium heritability (3.36 on a 1–5 scale) and were rated more important in a donor than in a “real” mate (Scheib 1994). Scheib's findings have led to the conclusion that beliefs about inheritance are not necessarily governed entirely by contemporary biomedical understandings of procreation and inheritance (Featherstone et al. 2006).

Moreover, there is an ongoing academic debate regarding the question of whether life style and values are heritable (cf. Linschooten et al. 2013 about two specific cases of a high frequency of mutations among offspring of parents who smoke cigarettes and low frequency of mutations among parents who maintain a healthy lifestyle). Since most recipients are not professionally involved in these academic debates, we assumed that they attribute low heritability to lifestyle, as Scheib's respondents did. Thus, the relatively large amount of information provided about the donor's lifestyle and values, as well as all the other attributes associated with parenting style and companionability, constitutes an enigmatic phenomenon to which our analysis proposes an interpretation.

Donor profiles are constructed along five major areas: physical traits (such as height or skin tone); intelligence (such as grade point average (GPA) scores and educational achievements); character and personality (such as emotional quotient or Keirsey scores, motto for life, self-declared traits, and future ambitions); life style (hobbies and areas of interest); and moral and cultural values. Of these five areas, physical traits are of obvious importance for the future mothers. Intelligence and several personality traits have both a heritable and an environmental influence, with scientists debating the relative contribution of each of these two components.

Extended profiles look almost identical to typical dating profiles, with the difference of adding health information and omitting contact information. These profiles provide additional information about attributes that do not have a genetic basis and also contain subjective descriptions provided either by the donor or by the staff. One of these is a questionnaire filled out by the staff: “Which celeb does the donor look like?” Drawing on empirical findings derived from fieldwork in sperm banks, regarding the staff as playing a significant role in helping their employer achieve his business goals, it is obvious why most donors are described by the staff as resembling famous celebs, usually movie or rock stars. Almeling's research shows that the staff spend a great deal of time and energy encouraging applicants to finish their profiles, as well as providing explicit coaching about how to respond to profile questions: “While donors are responsible for filling out their own profiles, it is clear that they are not producing unmediated texts that travel from their keyboards to the agency's website” (2006, 154). Émon (2012) has shown:

how cryobank staff manages the sperm donor's identity by influencing donor and recipient attitudes and behavior so as to make them compliant with the characteristics that cryobanks consider appropriate and desirable to them and to recipients and regulatory agencies. … cryobank directors and employees are participating in social commentary about these donors … . (142–143)

Accordingly, the donor, whose random ID during sampling (rsID hereinafter) was 21255, looks like Chris Martin and Rick Schroeder, and donor rsID 31411 resembles Christian Camargo and John Mayer. Because of the enormous curiosity about the donor, most banks try to lessen the uncertainty and anonymity by offering the staff's impressions of each donor, written by the female workers who are in contact with him on a regular basis. The recipient is assumed to develop trust in the staff during her interactions with them and therefore may rely on their “recommendation” when coming to choose the “one.” We did not see any negative impressions, and all donors are described as if they were the female workers’ personal acquaintances. If someone is interested in donor rsID 22698, she may learn that:

This donor might possibly be the happiest person on the planet! His cheerfulness is so contagious; you just can't help but smile when his beaming face comes through the door. This donor's personality is most definitely a rare find. I don't think I've ever met someone who is so genuinely joyful and appreciative of what life has to offer. This donor is definitely cute. He has flawless skin, bright blue eyes, and a big smile. His teeth are white and straight, with a small gap between the front two teeth, which adds to his character. This donor is SO tall and has a broad frame. He keeps his body in shape by skiing competitively and playing soccer in his free time. Not only is this donor optimistic and fun to be around, he's also extremely intelligent. His thought processes are mathematically and scientifically driven, and he's all about the facts. He is a well-read and open-minded individual with a vast vocabulary that never fails to impress. This donor seems to have it all: the personality, the looks, and the brains. The best part about him is that despite all of these great qualities, he doesn't think that he is better than anyone else. Don't hesitate if you're considering this donor – he really is as great as he sounds.

Some banks give each donor a nickname that best captures his personality; the use of a nickname illustrates his traits and at the same time makes it easier to distinguish between the successful candidates. The use of nicknames corroborates the commodification thesis and is equivalent to the “branding strategy” of all other goods for sale. One can readily tell the difference between Story Teller and Mr. Happy Pants; Story Teller is as follows:

A full scholarship to his college of choice and a hard-working mentality haven't diminished Donor XXX's excellent sense of humor one bit. He has a wealth of funny stories and an easygoing manner to go with his relaxed style and radiant brown eyes. This aspiring screenwriter spends his spare time at high speeds: whether he's hitting the slopes on his snowboard, or taking a ride on a motorcycle (which he also repairs), you can often find him on the move. An independent thinker who stands by what he believes in, this courteous and thoughtful guy is a leader, not a follower. [Donor rsID 56457]

However, Mr. Happy Pants has:

Bright blue eyes, a big infectious smile, and a joy to be around, Donor XXX [ number omitted] is an absolutely delightful guy. He is extremely intelligent with a mesmerizing vocabulary and a welcoming, down-to-earth personality. A four-year varsity soccer player in high school, he remains active adding basketball, weight training, and squash to his athletic repertoire. When he isn't reading a good book or running around on a field or court somewhere, he enjoys photography, hiking, and especially fishing. His dry wit and openly joyful appreciation of everything life has to offer make him a runaway favorite among our staff. [Donor rsID 12283]

Most banks include extensive information in the extended profiles, with some of them charging extra payment for the additional material. One of the pieces of information supposed most useful relates to the donor's personality, as some personality traits are assumed to have a genetic component. One can learn about each donor's character by either reading his answers to direct questions or deducing from his narratives on various topics, such as his most memorable childhood experience, hobbies, and the like. In response to the question “Describe some of your strong sides,” donor rsID 25569 writes: “Excellent communication skills, compassion for others, dedication to get things done, ability to make people laugh, intelligence.” Like job applicants, donors may find it difficult to describe their weak sides. However, they manage to do this by describing shortcomings that indicate deeper strengths. Donor rsID 63665 tells of his daydreaming; donor rsID 58852 says “I can be impatient and want to get the work done quickly. I work with myself to allow everybody to participate in the process, even if it slows things down” and donor rsID 44771 confesses “I am willful.” He says: “I tend to be mildly obsessive about keeping things clean, tidy, neat and orderly. I can be very hard on myself with regards to making mistakes or bad decisions.”

There are additional questions that at first glance may seem irrelevant or redundant, but a second look enables the recipient to extract some more information about his personality, such as relationship status, favorite car, favorite color, favorite animal, and so on. An obvious non-heritable trait is favorite food. Most of the donors report they like exotic ethnic food. Donor rsID 14478 says “Anything spicy, especially Thai,” donor rsID 22566 likes Italian and Asian dishes, and donor rsID 66387 prefers Mexican, Mediterranean, and Levantine food. The men are encouraged to tell of the countries they have visited and are planning to visit in reply to specific questions that appear on the standard questionnaire. The adventurous types want to visit Mexico, Spain, Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium, Bahamas, Puerto Rico, Dominican Republic, Jamaica, Israel, Jordan, Canada, and the United Kingdom. It seems that curiosity and openness to new experiences are a major motif in their narratives. Besides the global vision that they express, these vacation plans or dishes eaten in restaurants indicate socioeconomic status as well as world view. A man of lower income could not afford international travel. Assuming that only those who are well-off can plan to travel so frequently, the bank implicitly encourages prospective clients to speculate about the donor's good physical condition and sound health.

Another non-heritable trait is the donor's style of humor, with most respondents mentioning specific genres that are considered sophisticated and more prevalent among the educated, for example, political satire. Some of the questions relate to the moral values and worldviews of the donor. The values can be reflected explicitly in his answers to questions like “What is your motto for life?” They can also appear implicitly in his essays on various topics. One can speculate about the middle-class cultural values of donor rsID 22566 based on his answer to the following question: “If you could have lunch with any person from the past or present, who would it be and why?” he relates to this question:

Edward Abbey. Abbey was perhaps the finest American iconoclast, wild man, and principled absolutist. Besides being a technically sound writer and storyteller, Abbey was also among the first to explain the role of wild lands in the collective American psyche, and to demonstrate the connection between political liberty and undeveloped spaces. I'd pick his brain on many subjects: the current influence of money in politics, the shrinking spectrum of acceptable mainstream political debate, and anthropogenic climate change, among others.

This impression can be crosschecked with his answers to questions like: “What life lessons would you hope to pass on to your own child one day?” Donor rsID 87442 writes:

Work hard. Read voraciously. Be well rounded and always improve your skills in some area. Ignore television at any cost; learn to resist socialization, advertising, and propaganda; eat whole foods. Go to the mountains and the desert. Cultivate a respect for evidence and develop the power of accurate observation. Learn mathematics and calibrate your standard of “knowing” in everyday life against the mathematical one.

Obviously, morality and cultural values cannot be transferred in genetic material. We suggest that these values serve as cues to the socioeconomic status of the donor and his background, again, as a cue to assessing the nutritional, physical, and hormonal conditions in which he was raised. These values may serve as a paternal legacy which the mother may plan to tell her child about the donor. If the recipient purchased the “open donor” semen, these values can help reduce her uncertainty as to how the donor would respond if the child wished to meet him. Another possible reason for recipients to have all that information is their taking precautions to find someone who had a story or legacy that they could tell (i.e. pass down) to their child. Perhaps the best indicator of a man's social background is his relatives’ educational and occupational attainments. All of the banks include questions regarding the parents’ and siblings’ attainments; some of them also present those of the grandparents on both sides and sometimes even the aunts’ and uncles’. Donor rsID 63925 is one of the many donors who have a well-educated family: His father is a diplomat with a Ph.D. in literature who enjoys music and carpentry; his father's father is a retired small-engine aircraft pilot who currently enjoys fixing TVs and fishing. His father's mother is a retired medical receptionist who loves playing bridge. This donor's mother works as an information systems manager and has a Master's degree; she enjoys sewing, she has dimples, and cooks delicious lasagna, her father is a veterinarian who enjoys farming and traveling, and the grandmother was a teacher who at present enjoys playing cards and traveling. He has a sister “who is a math whiz who earned the highest GPA in her graduating class.” Reading these descriptions, the client can readily imagine herself going with the athletic and intelligent guy on a family trip with his friendly extended family; eating his mother's lasagna while hearing his father talk about his work as a physician, playing cards with his joyful marathon-running grandma, while his retired pilot grandfather is fishing in the nearby river with the electronics engineer uncle. One cannot help but wonder: why would men from wealthy backgrounds be engaged in selling their semen for $75 per vial?

The donors provide lengthy essays in reply to each question, and most answers present as revealing and moving. Each donor adds personal comments that create a seemingly intimate familiarity which we termed “emotional contextualization.” The illusion of becoming a member of the donor's family may be strengthened by information about the hobbies of his parents, parents’ siblings, and grandparents. Most of the fathers, grandfathers, and uncles enjoy “manly” hobbies, such as model trains and airplanes. Correspondingly, female relatives are more attracted to homemaking, knitting, cross-stitching, and reading. Copious descriptions are provided in essays regarding the donor's special ties with some of his family members; these ties are reflected also in his essays about his most memorable childhood experience and the person with whom he identifies most. Donor rsID 45877 tells of an unforgettable family trip:

My most memorable childhood experience occurred when I was eight years old. Since I have been born, almost every member of my family – grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins – have all lived within a thirty-mile radius of one another, so I saw them often … .So it was decided that my mom's whole side of the family would be taking a road trip … I'll never forget those awesome couple of days spent with my uncle, touring the area and enjoying having the whole family together in one place.

One can also get insights into the moral education of donor rsID 96332 from his most memorable childhood experience:

I remember getting in trouble for damaging a neighbor's property when I was about 12 years old. To pay for the damages, I was to spend the summer working in my step-father's auto repair shop instead of staying home and doing what I pleased … 

Most donors declare they identify with male figures, the father being the most frequently mentioned relative, followed by a grandfather and a brother. Donor rsID 12255 says “I'm closest to my maternal grandfather. On my grandfather's farm, the hay is baled and stored very close to the river … .” The answer to this question serves three functions: besides telling about the relative, it enables the donor to deliver messages about his family's financial assets and at the same time to convey his worldviews and/or intellect. It seems that the donors found a male role model more appropriate than a female one for identification, conforming to “classic” views and heterosexual oedipal accepted notions of “boys are like fathers;” at the same time they can also avoid being negatively stigmatized as a “Mama's boy.” This masculine image is somewhat similar to Kroløkke's (2009) findings in Danish donors’ self-descriptions: “They embody an interesting merger between traditional masculinity, muscular morality, and a more emotional new male sensitivity … ” (2009, 17). Our analysis reveals that the answers they give to the question “which family member(s) are you closest to and why?” include both the gender and the generation of the figure, but also some socio-cultural meanings that serve to justify each special tie. A typical “manly” representation can be deduced from donor rsID 23111's reply:

I identify most with my dad because I am most like him of my parents. All the qualities, traits, and beliefs that I have now are directly influenced by what he taught me as I grew up. I even think he had an influence on helping me decide the hobbies and even the career path that I most enjoy.

The manly image is stressed further in the donors’ self-report of their mechanical skills and abilities. Potential recipients can assess whether each donor is masculine enough by viewing their responses to the request to note which mechanical skills they have from a list. Most of them note at least three out of the following: auto repair; carpentry; plumbing; electrical; model building; building computers; about one-fourth of the donors chose the option “I can fix everything,” and none chose the answer “I can barely replace a light bulb.” Some donors report they are married and have kids. Their description of their kids’ nature also adheres to traditional gender ideology. A good example of this is seen in the essay by donor rsID 41212:

I have a 4-year old daughter and a 2-year old son. My daughter is very bright, has blue eyes and brown hair. She loves to play outdoors, but she is mostly a quiet girl who loves to read and to play games. She is very caring for her little brother, and loves to visit her grandparents. My son seems to have a lot of energy, and he is constantly on the move. He wants to feel, taste and move everything, and I consider him highly intelligent. He is, however, also a little wild compared to our daughter, but I guess that he is just being a boy. He is very social, and loves to visit people or to be with other children. He is tall for his age, has dark blond hair and blue eyes. Both children have good health. I love my two children more than anything in the world, and it is the love of children and parenthood that made my wife and I decide to help others to become parents.

Verbal texts were characterized by self-presentation tactics which focus on donors’ intelligence and morality, whereas visual analysis of the baby photos yielded motifs mainly related to the baby's nurturing environment. We found that most photos bring the written messages to life and serve to “prove” them. These photos are color pictures, sometimes accompanied by black and white pictures, which were taken by a relative, an amateur rather than a professional photographer. The analysis of spatial aspects revealed that about half of the photos were taken at home and half outside, at a park or against a green landscape. The homes were warmly and aesthetically furnished and decorated. The babies usually sit rather than lie down, and they look straight at the camera. They have a calm, happy facial expression, with about one-third of the babies photographed smiling. We did not see any crying, runny-nosed, or dirty babies. We also did not find any baby who looked weak, skinny, pale, or exhibiting other signs of malnutrition. The hair, hands, and faces were tidy. One atypical photo presents a two-year-old boy who is seen eating by himself, his face and hands stained with red strawberries. However, other objects in the photo, such as a flowerpot and a placemat decorated with the ABC, serve as cues to his nurturing caregivers, as well as his vitamin-rich diet, counterbalancing any possible bad impression of his appearing dirty. Moreover, potential recipients may learn about the liberal educational philosophy of his caregivers: a modern view of giving children freedom and independence, raising happy children who enjoy diverse sensual experiences. These are mainly educated middle- or upper-class parents who have leisure time to indulge this playfulness.

Although most babies had very little hair on their heads, it was always combed. The babies wore colorful, tidy clothes that fit them. About one-sixth of them wore handmade knitted blouses or overalls. Two donors wore costumes popular among boys, such as Superman. Certain objects near the baby were visible in some of the pictures; most are paintings on the wall with childish illustrations, like teddy bears. Some of the babies hold toys, such as a ball or a bicycle. The baby photo of Donor rsID 33556 is a typical picture that best represents the majority of the baby photos. He looks like a one and a half-year-old boy, looking at the camera and smiling. He is dressed in a clean handmade sweater which fits him exactly, and is wearing first-step baby shoes, rather than going barefoot. The blue of his clothing highlights and flatters his blue eyes. He stands on a wooden floor partially covered by a carpet, next to a double door whose upper part is made of glass. Therefore, through the glass one sees that the house is surrounded by a green yard and bushes, and that there is a wooden rocking chair near the house.

The baby photos enhance the donor's credibility, at least regarding his outward appearance. They may also amplify the potential recipients’ desire to have a baby and intensify the attendant emotional load of the demanding task of donor selection. The photos supplied by the donor were not randomly selected by him; rather, one detects recurrent themes that appear systematically in most of them. Therefore, we propose that our visual analysis of baby photos reveals implicit assumptions about recipients’ preferences. At the same time these pictures are not passive objects to be interpreted by the recipients. Instead, they function like control agents that aspire to socialize “deviant” recipients to socially accepted norms of parenting and childrearing practices.

Discussion

Sperm donor profiles are a meaningful and important postmodern text; as such, they deserve to be interpreted by means of sociological theorization. Donors’ self-presentations comply with a masculine-dominated cultural imperative which admires men who have manly hobbies, skills, and personality traits. This observation corresponds with Kroløkke's (2009) findings of the masculine positioning of donors in extended donor profiles. Analyzing interviews with CEOs of a sperm bank which “specializes” in marketing Scandinavian donors to American clients, Kroløkke has concluded that “both CEOs reiterate a patriarchal and heterosexist view of the nuclear family as the foundation for the conception and consumption of a child” (2009, 10). Therefore, the purchase of the substance maintains a sexualized connotation even in the absence of intercourse (Edwards 2004; Haimes 1993; Nash 2004). As Konrad (1998) argues, notions of maleness and masculinity continue to be inscribed as physiological attributes with reference to ideas that sperm are active “heroic warriors,” with a mission to penetrate the ovum. Ova, by contrast, are represented in medical discourse as passive objects that are swept along the fallopian tubes. Wagner, Butler, and Nachtigall (1995) also discuss how in metaphors used for everyday understandings of conception, the role and behavior of sperm are compared with the sexual and sex-role behavior of men. They suggest that “the coming together and merging of sperm and ovum is understood in everyday life as an analogue to the attracting and meeting of men and women in social life and sexual relationships” (Wagner, Butler, and Nachtigall 1995, 677). The idea of disembodied sperm as a sexual, socialized “actor,” together with the sexualized process of collecting sperm (masturbation), may well be implicated in the articulation of DI as a “sexualized” act. Further weight is added to this thesis by the suggestion that, in the presence of an unfamiliar phenomenon, people initially anchor or link a phenomenon by reference to widely available categories; in this case, well-understood and socially pervasive “known” sex roles (Martin 1991; Wagner, Butler, and Nachtigall 1995). The present study reveals how human sperm and gametes are treated as carrying a wider set of traits, not “just” masculine or feminine attributes. The cultural ethos of the new liberal, adventurous man as well as moral values such as honesty, industry, and helping others are infused into the sperm donations.

We propose that the great importance attached to personality attributes, despite the fact that women consider such factors to have low heritability (Scheib 1994), and the traditional gender role images of the donors, as deduced from their self-descriptions, combine to fulfill three needs for potential consumers: (1) illusion of relating to a “real” partner and his “real” family ; (b) illusion of control over the future child's personality, and (c) for unmarried single women, using superior quality sperm may serve as an alternative mobility channel by producing an “improved” child. The baby is expected after reaching puberty to lead his mother to a better position in life, and thus offer a better future to the prospective family. Still, a considerable amount of donor information provides no benefit other than pure simulacrum of a heteronormative family.

Sperm industry as fantasy industry

The sperm industry can be analyzed as a fantasy industry fulfilling people's wishes and desires. In this sense it resembles the industry of cosmetics or fantasy Internet games. For example, fantasy sports are currently a billion dollar industry with a following of 27 million participants (Burr-Miller 2011). Analyzing fantasy baseball has led Burr-Miller (2011) to suggest that treating online and offline behavior as separate phenomena is a fundamental mistake. She contends that:

our identities and our culture in general are a product of a ubiquitous blurring of the mediated/non-mediated, online/offline worlds. Speaking of fantasy baseball or any other online phenomenon as somehow separate or removed from (important) offline matters, then, is a grave misunderstanding of how meaning and power are constructed and reconstructed in the social world. (Burr-Miller 2011, 445)

Burr-Miller has further explored another fantasy in her study of men living with sex dolls (Burr-Miller and Aoki 2008). A simulacrum of an unattainable partner was discussed in a study aimed at exploring the experiences of men who conduct an imaginary relationship with a life-like silicone sex doll. Similar to selecting a donor for his physical traits, the men who order these dolls have complete control over the appearance of the doll – its hair color and length, eye color, skin tone, and even style of pubic hair. They can accessorize their dolls and treat and talk about their dolls as if they were alive. Using the terminology of Baudrillard, the authors argue that Real Dolls operate in the realm of the hyperreal. That is, in order to construct themselves as masculine, these men appropriate heterosexual discourse and embellish their dolls with typical features of femininity, thus making their dolls more feminine than real women. The present study proposes that the customer experience of browsing perfectionized sperm donor profiles is a similar performance of a simulacrum of unattainable relationships with the biogenetic father of the future child.

Sperm banking industry: fulfilling unending wishes in a postmodern society

We began our article acknowledging our a priori assumption of semen commodification. Analyses of both written and visual data have helped us detect some of the strategies involved in the process of commodification and identify the societal factors that facilitate it. One of our main observations is the personification of donations, hence the romanticizing of the relationship between the recipient and her chosen donor. These personified gametes are treated as having heritable human personality traits and character. Although commodification and personification are opposites of each other, they both lead to a similar result: in personifying the gametes, the industry de-commodifies the gametes as a means and a prelude to the ultimate commodification.

Another observation relates to the gender ideology infused in the profiles. The profile content mitigates the basic paradox inherent in DI: in order to achieve the ability and freedom to produce a child in a non-traditional way, the recipients are exposed to donors characterized by the ultimate traditional masculinity, as it is only through the realness of the profiles and the “maleness” of the donors, as reflected in their profile, that the recipients’ traditional motherhood is affirmed. Paradoxically, then, defeating the natural order of procreation is accompanied by adhering to traditional gender stereotypes and qualifications. Hence, these profiles function as socialization mechanisms enacted upon recipients; these profiles reflect traditional notions of gender roles, masculinity, and moral values that correspond to the male hegemonic order.

The personified profiles are equivalent to Eco's (1986) “fake nature” of Disneyland. Similarly to Eco's (1986) conceptualization of Disneyland as a place that has been created to look “absolutely realistic,” taking visitors’ imagination to a “fantastic past,” sperm banks personify donations and manipulate donor profiles to look like dating profiles. Sperm banks create a false reality for the “troubled audience” (Brummett 1985) which satisfies the recipients’ understandable daydream fantasies; the same false reality will satisfy the yet-to-be-born babies’ curiosity regarding their biological fathers. The sperm industry sells illusionary husbands and fathers; it therefore sells illusions just as the cosmetics industry does. Similar attempts are made in the perfume and cosmetics industry, as certain odors are marketed as typical of certain personality traits or personal style. The customer is induced to buy a certain perfume if she sees herself as assertive, feminine, and so on, whereas if she believes she is not – the fragrance will make her so.

The personification strategy aims at filling the psychological need of unwed women to “know” the father of their children, perhaps even to tell their child some personal details about the biological father. In doing so, it creates an illusion of the existence of a genuine partner, not just an anonymous donor. Heterosexual couples, whether formally married or not, also are benefited by the abundant information about the donor, mainly by reducing their uncertainty and choosing a donor who resembles the husband physically and psychologically. Just as people are willing to pay for emotional experiences and illusions (e.g. movies, amusement parks, perfumes, etc.), the more grounded the illusion is in a detailed description of the donor, supplemented by the impression he made on the staff, the higher the willingness to pay for his sperm. Therefore, the commodification of human gametes and the maximization of economic profits are made possible through a personification strategy which decommodifies each donation.

Browsing for the ideal donor by reading the perfectionized profiles is a technology which aptly illustrates Baudrillard's (1994) concept of “hyper-reality.” “Hyper-reality” is a concept which implies that entertainment, information, and communication technologies provide experiences more intense and absorbing than the events of banal everyday life, as well as the codes and models that structure everyday life. Borrowing Baudrillard's terminology, we contend that extended donor profiles are not “real;” rather they are hyperreal. These profiles are an “authentic fake” of the fathers and families desired by women in today's postmodern era. Baudrillard shows how commodities and commodification permeate social life and come to dominate individual thought and behavior. In this sense, his analysis is similar to the view of the Frankfurt School. He borrows the Marxist term reification and contends that commodities, technologies, and things (i.e. “objects”) come to dominate people (“subjects”), divesting them of their human qualities and capacities. Our interpretation of the emotional contextualization of donor selection implies a process opposite to reification. Rather than eliminating human qualities, the computerized search for sperm donation draws on human emotions and intensifies them, thus preserving very basic human nature. Therefore, our conceptualization of the sperm industry provides some empirical evidence for Illouz's (2007) thesis of “emotional capitalism.” Our analysis illustrates how the sperm industry plays a major role in intensifying the customer experience and its attendant excitement.

The cold and anonymous image of sperm donation no longer adequately describes the contemporary donation industry; donations are infused with family ancestry. The sperm banks sell not “only” genetic substance but rather an “ancestry package” of a potential baby with a virtual father/husband as well as virtual grandparents; in most cases, an entire family tree on the father's side (Bokek-Cohen 2014). Thus, anonymity is replaced with perceived familiarity and certainty, both for the recipient and also for the future child, who may be interested in his father's personality and legacy. The sense of familiarity with the donor's family acts as a reenchantment mechanism that substitutes for the disenchantment assumed to stem from the romantic love that most unmarried recipients miss experiencing.

The illusion of familiarity with the donor as well as with his family fulfills certain psychological needs of the customers. In an era of rationalized fertility treatments, consumers may find some comfort in a traditionalized fertilizing atmosphere. The sperm banking industry can be theorized in a way similar to Ritzer and Stillman's (2001) analysis of postmodern ballparks. Ritzer (1999, 2000) provides a sociological analysis of American consumerism and shows how the means of consumption have changed from late modernity to the postmodern era. Changes in consumption patterns and individual consciousness have led to the consumer having a low threshold of boredom, which is assumed to be the catalyst for disenchantment. Another major source of disenchantment is the rationalization and McDonaldization of society. Ritzer and Stillman (2001) show how new ballparks and stadia simulate elements of the classic fields, thus “provide evidence, at least on the surface, of ‘de-McDonaldization' … but just below the surface is an unprecedented level of McDonaldization” (2001, 102). The personification of sperm donation and the romanticization of the donor–recipient bond is, to our view, an equivalent to Ritzer's thesis of de-McDonaldization, in the sense that both ballparks and sperm donor profiles simulate “classic” traditional arenas. While postmodern ballparks simulate the old fields for the benefit of a unique, somewhat nostalgic, experience of “the good old days” for baseball fans, sperm banks simulate “classic” mate choice to fulfill certain emotional and psychological needs of the sperm clients. Similar to the fans’ inability to distinguish between “the authentic and the inauthentic that may have once existed” (Ritzer and Stillman 2001, 105), sperm customers are unable or unwilling to raise questions as to what is real and what is simulated in the donor profiles.

As sperm shoppers are strongly manipulated by descriptions of superior quality fathers, they are drowning in a whirlpool of Baudrillardian simulacra (1983, 1994). Clients of sperm banks are caught up in an illusionary profile parade that is professionally crafted and polished yet can hardly be found in the average man; therefore they are increasingly less connected to any outside external reality. According to Baudrillard (1996), when all the imperfections of human life and the world are eliminated in virtual reality, this is the elimination of reality itself, and he terms this elimination “the Perfect Crime”. In this sense, the sperm industry and the donor profiles have eliminated all reality: they have committed the “perfect crime,” by presenting idealized profiles that transcend real male partners so that any real average man is inferior to the “perfectionized” profiles. However, “the fact is that the crime is never perfect” (Baudrillard 1996, 1). The traditional theme of nature versus nurture is played out in the sperm banking business, although it is not entirely clear what is driving this process: the agencies who are dealing in sperm or the recipients who are looking for something other than value-for-money.

Conclusion

There are several limitations to our study which warrant mention. First, the validity of information displayed on sperm banks' websites is unknown; certain personal data are not verified during the process of filling out the questionnaire. In fact, most of the information, such as hobbies, cannot be verified by the banks. The validity of self-reported descriptions is therefore unknown. Almost all of the data analyzed are self-reported and presumably some of it is deliberately or inadvertently incorrect. Future studies can assess the relative influence of the donor versus the bank staff in creating the profiles. Another possible concern is the question of how, if at all, the photos represent sperm donors. Self-selection may have been at work in the analysis of donors’ baby photographs, the less attractive donors presumably less willing to give their photos. Of those who chose to give their photo, it is likely that some of them did not have suitable pictures from their childhood, particularly those who were raised 30–40 years ago in families from lower socioeconomic backgrounds with restricted resources available for photography. Therefore, there may be an under-representation of pictures of lower class donors. Nor can one ignore the possibility that these photos were not selected only by the donors; their parents also selected which photos to take, print, or keep, and perhaps there was mediation by the banks as well, for example, if a donor brought a number of photos and asked which ones they should use.

This analysis of the sperm donation industry demonstrates some sociological mechanisms underlying sperm commerce. As such, the present study supplements the extant literature by postmodern writers who analyze the tension between human nature, economic forces, and cyber technologies. It provides vital evidence of emotional contextualization, a strategy used by sperm banks in order to decrease potential bad feelings in the recipients. The emotional packaging of semen helps recipients experience the process of child conception in a more meaningful and multilayered way. Therefore, the study sheds light on the way two allegedly contrasting forces, namely emotions and commerce, are manipulated by social agents in a free market economy. The bank, the donors, and the recipients benefit from this win–win–win game, in which the banks maximize profits, the donors get compensation for their role, and the recipients enjoy the pleasant illusion of having a fantasy family. This illusory reality contributes to the preservation of a vital need of medicalized fertility technologies: the human spirit of postmodern reality.

Acknowledgements

The authors wish to express their sincere gratitude to the editors and the anonymous reviewers of NGS for their valuable suggestions.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Appendix. A sample profile

Extended Donor Profile for donor Robert

PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION

1. Race: Caucasian

2. Eye color: Blue/Green

3. Height (feet): 6'2”

4. Weight (lbs): 180 lbs.

5. Hair colour: Red

6. Year of birth: 1983

7. Blood type: B

8. Build? Medium

9. Color of eyebrow? Brown

10. Curly or straight hair? Straight/Wavy

11. Hair color as a young child (0–4 years)? Auburn

12. Curly or straight hair as a young child (0–4 years)? Straight

13. Is your hair thin, medium, or thick? Medium

14. Color of beard: Auburn/Red

15. Do you wear prescription lenses? No

16. At what age did you start wearing prescription lenses? -

17. Are you left or right handed? Right

18. Shoe size: 9.5–10

19. General clothing size: Large

20. Do you have any allergies? No

21. Do you suffer from any physical abnormalities? No

22. What is your resting heart rate? 60 bpm

23. What is your skin tone? Fair/ Freckles

ACADEMICS

1. In which percentile did you place in high school? N/A

2. Which year did you graduate from high school? 2001

3. What did you do immediately after high school? Started College

4. In which percentile did you place during your university studies? 90

5. Which year did you graduate from university? Still Studying

6. Are you currently in school or do you work? Both

7. Describe your current school or job briefly: Job – Sales Manager for an insurance company. School – MBA Program

8. How many years have you been in school (including kindergarten)? 16

9. How many additional years do you plan to attend school? 4

10. What is your final degree goal? Masters of Business Administration

11. What is your native language? English

12. Which other languages do you speak? Conversational German

13. Are you more scientific, artistic or humanities oriented? Scientific

14. What is your career goal? Entrepreneur

15. Have you been in the military? No

PERSONALITY

1. What is your relationship status? Monogamous dating

2. Which words describe your personality: Motivated, clever, witty, smart, charming, sensitive, organized

3. Which sports do you like to participate in? Cycling, swimming

4. Which sports did you play as a child? Soccer, BMX, skateboarding

5. Which sports do you enjoy watching? Cycling, football, soccer

6. Describe any additional hobbies you have: Artistic painting, cycling, swimming, snowboarding, collecting music

7. Do you play any musical instruments? No

8. Are you a member of a church? No

9. Which is your favourite colour? Purple

10. Favourite animal: Lion

11. Favourite food: Mexican

12. Favourite type of music: Rock-n-Roll

13. Favourite car: Mercedes S600

14. Favourite pet: Dog

15. How much sleep do you get on an average night? 7.5–8 hours

16. Do you eat healthy? Very

17. Are you a smoker? No

18. Do you drink alcohol? Yes

19. Do you ride a bicycle? Yes

20. What is your most memorable childhood experience? I remember getting in trouble for damaging a neighbour's property when I was about 12 years old. To pay for the damages, I was to spend the summer working in my step father's auto repair shop instead of staying home and doing what I pleased. This was especially memorable for a few reasons. First, it created an environment where my step-dad and I could form a stronger bond, based on trust and respect. Second, I learned that your actions have consequences and that we have to take responsibility for our actions. Third, I learned how to work on cars, which helped establish my self confidence, and self worth. Furthermore this experience helped me realize that I am mechanically inclined as well as honing my problem solving skills.

21. Which countries have you visited? Mexico, Spain, Germany, Netherlands, Belgium, Bahamas, Puerto Rico, Dominican Republic, Jamaica

22. Describe one of your favourite vacations to another country: Renting a house with a pool and beach access with 3 other couples, for two weeks. Getting to relax in a beautiful atmosphere with people who I love. Enjoying the sun and beach and local food and drinks.

23. Describe a few things you like most about your own country: The US is huge; you can travel across it and have an enormous amount of different experiences. Mountains, beaches, deserts and plains. It's extremely beautiful. I love to drive and take advantage of the excellent roads.

24. Describe some of your strong sides: My strong sides include but are not limited to the following: I have a great sense of humour. I am naturally curious about the world and often take time to investigate things that intrigue me. I am very health conscious and take an interest in eating a healthy diet, exercising regularly, and making time to relax my mind and body. I am a very good listener, and am very intuitive. Many of my friends come to me with their problems as they value my opinion and advice.

25. Describe some of your weak sides: I tend to be mildly obsessive about keeping things clean, tidy, neat and orderly. I can be very hard on myself with regards to making mistakes or bad decisions.

FAMILY INFORMATION

Paternal Grandmother

Age: 82

Alive? No

Ethnicity: Scottish

Occupation: Secretary

Height: 5'8”

Weight: 150

Build: Medium

Hair colour: Brown

Eye colour: Green

Heart conditions: No

Any genetic disorders: No

Maternal Grandfather

Age: 90

Alive? No

Ethnicity: Welsh, English

Occupation: Banker

Height: 6'0”

Weight: 200 lbs

Build: Medium

Hair colour: Grey

Eye colour: Blue

Heart conditions: No

Any genetic disorders: No

Paternal Grandfather

Age: 86

Alive? Yes

Ethnicity: German, English

Occupation: Electrical Engineer

Height: 5'10

Weight: 180

Build: Medium

Hair colour: Brown Grey

Eye colour: Blue

Heart conditions: No

Any genetic disorders: No

Maternal Grandmother

Age: 78

Alive? Yes

Ethnicity: English, Irish

Occupation: Musician/ Public Speaker

Height: 5'6”

Weight: 130 lbs

Build: Light

Hair colour: Red

Eye colour: Blue

Heart conditions: No

Any genetic disorders: No

Mother

Age: 57

Alive? Yes

Ethnicity: Irish, English, Welsh

Education: Vocational School

Musical? No

Right or left handed? Right

Occupation: License Vocational Nurse

Height: 5'6”

Weight: 160 lbs

Build: Medium

Hair colour: Light Brown

Eye colour: Blue/ Green

Heart conditions: No

Any genetic disorders: No

Languages: English

Glasses? Yes

Father

Age: 57

Alive? Yes

Ethnicity: Scottish, German, English

Education: BS in Business Studies - Marketing

Musical? Yes

Right or left handed? Right

Occupation: Sales Person

Height: 6'2”

Weight: 220 lbs

Build: Medium

Hair colour: Light Brown

Eye colour: Blue

Heart conditions: No

Any genetic disorders: No

Languages: English

Glasses? Yes

Brother

Full or half? Full

Age: 32

Alive: Yes

Ethnicity: Caucasian

Occupation: Sales Person

Height: 5'11”

Weight: 175

Build: Medium

Hair color: Dirty Blonde

Eye color: Blue

Heart conditions: No

Any genetic disorders: No

Brother

Full or half? Full

Age: 38

Alive: Yes

Ethnicity: Caucasian

Occupation: Insurance Agent

Height: 5'9”

Weight: 200

Build: Medium

Hair color: Brown

Eye color: Blue

Heart conditions: No

Any genetic disorders: No

Do you have any children? No

If yes, please describe in detail (include physical description, personality, medical information … .

MEDICAL INFORMATION

Do you have any medical conditions? No

If yes, please list: