The betweeness of being a rural youth: inclusive and exclusive lifestyles

Abstract

In this paper I demonstrate the ways in which young people imagine, define and create discourses of the countryside, in particular how they envision both the place of the countryside and their place in the countryside. I focus on how rural youth situate themselves within discourses of the rural and in so doing, I challenge previous constructions of the relationship between young people, the rural idyll and cultural marginality. Specifically, I assess the role and importance of place-myths and practices in the formation of identity. In particular, this paper offers a more developed account than previously conceived of how rural youth identity is formulated in and between complex social and material relations predicated on difference. My analysis takes account of the ways in which young people actively produce culture and experience and understand belonging and not-belonging, their different views of rurality, their production of an ‘intensive-self’ and the extent to which the countryside is, on one hand, enabling and nurturing (inclusive), and on the other, restrictive and prohibitive. This paper makes an important contribution to the geography of youth by presenting a framework for understanding young people in the countryside that is predicated on exposing conflicting and sometimes contradictory feelings of inclusion and exclusion.

Je montre dans le présent article de quelle manière les jeunes imaginent, définissent et créent des discours sur la campagne, et surtout comment ils envisagent la place de la campagne et leur place dans la campagne. En insistant sur la manière dont les jeunes en milieu rural se situent à l'intérieur des discours sur la ruralité, je vais à l'encontre des constructions antérieures sur la relation entre les jeunes, l'idylle rurale et la marginalité culturelle. Je suis en mesure de donner une appréciation du rôle et de l'importance des mythes des lieux et des pratiques dans la constitution de l'identité. Plus particulièrement, cet article présente une vue d'ensemble plus complète que les conceptions précédentes sur comment l'identité des jeunes en milieu rural est définie dans et entre les relations sociales et matérielles complexes reposant sur la différence. Mon analyse tient compte à la fois des moyens par lesquels les jeunes produisent activement la culture et vivent et arrivent à comprendre l'appartenance et la non appartenance, de leurs différents points de vue sur la ruralité, de leur production de leur «soi-intensif», et de jusqu'à quel point la campagne est, d'une part, propice et protectrice (inclusive) et, d'autre part, restrictive et limitative. Cet article apporte une contribution importante à la géographie de la jeunesse en offrant un cadre de travail pour comprendre les jeunes dans la campagne qui repose sur l'exposition des sentiments conflictuels et parfois contradictoires de l'inclusion et de l'exclusion.

En este papel indico los modos en que los jóvenes imaginan, definen y crean discursos sobre el campo y, en particular, cómo preven tanto el lugar del campo como su propio lugar en el campo. Tengo como enfoque el modo en que los jóvenes de zonas rurales se sitúan en los discursos sobre lo rural y, a la vez, cuestiono las construcciones anteriores de la relación entre los jóvenes, el idilio rural y la marginación cultural. Específicamente, hago una evaluación de la función y la importancia de mitos de lugares y costumbres en la formación de identidad. En particular, este papel ofrece una explicación más desarrollada que las anteriormente concebidas sobre cómo la identidad de los jóvenes de zonas rurales se formula en y entre relaciones sociales y materiales de naturaleza compleja, basadas en la diferencia. El análisis tiene en cuenta la manera en que los jóvenes producen, de forma activa, la cultura y la experiencia y cómo entienden el sentido de pertenecer y no pertenecer, sus distintas puntos de vista acerca de lo rural, su producción de un ‘yo-intensivo’ y hasta qué punto el campo les ofrece posibilidades y les nutre (inclusive) y hasta qué punto les resulta restrictivo y prohibitivo. Este papel hace una contribución importante a la geografía de los jóvenes por presentar un marco para mejor entender los jóvenes de zonas rurales, basado en la exposición de sentimientos contradictorios de inclusión y exclusión.

Keywords:

• rural
• youth
• identity
• inclusion
• exclusion

Keywords:

• rural
• jeune
• identité
• inclusion
• exclusion

Keywords:

• rural
• jóvenes
• identidad
• inclusión
• exclusión

Acknowledgements

I would like to express my thanks to Catherine Brace, Jo Little and Mark Goodwin for giving their time to read and make comments on an earlier draft of the paper. I would also like to thank the Editor and three anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions.

Notes

1 A similar idea has been developed by Griffiths (1995). She uses the metaphor of a web to explain that experiences from multiple connections are collected together and mobilised to reveal the self depending on context.

2 For a comprehensive review of the problems of undertaking action-research see Rachel Pain (2004). She questions the extent to which ‘academics’ actually have power to exchange with their research subjects.

3 The names of the villages and research participants were changed to preserve their anonymity.

4 For a detailed analysis of de Certeau's interpretation of margins and borders, see Crang (2000).

5 Rugg and Jones (1999: 17) provide similar evidence from Yorkshire stating ‘some [young] people were simply more suited to a rural way of life than others’.

6 Overall, the young people were very antagonistic toward the National Park Authority and suggested that its raison d'être, as they saw it, was threefold. First, the maintenance of pathways with the use of ‘child slave labour’ as part of an (alleged) rural education programme. This mission, they felt, had little relevance to them since they were already cognisant about rural life and was a futile exercise because as Jan stated (Upland Meet) ‘pathways will always be muddy, so what's the point in putting wood chippings on them?’. Second, they viewed the Park Authority as the whimsical champion of ‘small furry animals’. Finally, they labelled the National Park Authority as an outmoded planning agency which simply served to inhibit local desires and aspirations. The Authority gained this dubious reputation in part through allegedly banning the legitimate ‘country pursuit’ of stag hunting over some of their land (a claim that could not be substantiated). In broader terms, the Authority was seen as an authoritarian agency of the Government that failed to support the interests of local people, i.e. farmers. The group told several stories of how local farmers were prevented by the National Park from erecting various buildings. They all felt this was unjust and those farmers should be left alone to conduct their business in their own way. As Fay (Upland Meet) explained, it is ‘farmers who understand the countryside best’.

7 I do not believe the extreme reaction by the young people to the housing association development was the outcome of class prejudice against the occupants. Rather the young women were expressing their disgust on perceived ‘urban encroachment’ and hence urban morality though the built design.

8 Dave's identity position was complex as he would often talk of ‘home’ as his former home in Norwich but would then reflect that Plumstow was where he had a sense of belonging, commonality and camaraderie with his peers.

9 Rebecca's elder sister now lives in the nearby town and was therefore vilified as she was perceived to exemplify ‘townie’ traits.