![Sample our Geography journals, sign in here to start your FREE access for 14 days]({"type":"image" , "src" : "/sda/5937/TOC-Subject-Sample-2021-Geography.jpg"})
Abstract
This paper explores how a renewed engagement with conceptions of objects in social and cultural geography can be informed by empirical research with tourist souvenirs undertaken in Swaziland (Southern Africa) and the UK. It begins by considering how Jane Bennett's (2001) notion of enchantment offers a useful imagination of materiality of the souvenir-object. In particular, the ‘momentary immobilising encounter’ of enchantment translates into ethnographic research attentive to the presence of objects as they interrupt the flow of everyday life. This paper explores how the method of ‘following’ might be adapted to attend to the processual nature of object agency and materiality. It draws upon research into how objects were produced, marketed, sold and purchased as souvenirs in various locations in Swaziland (Southern Africa), as well as how souvenir-objects were displayed, used and kept in tourist's homes across the UK. Enchantment was both integral to and yet excessive of interactions with these objects. This paper therefore develops the notion of ‘refracted enchantment’ to explore the presence of things as always produced, habitual and residual. In doing so it demonstrates how the complexity of relations between people, things and their spatiality take-place through souvenir-objects.
Cet article explore comment un engagement renouvelé avec les conceptions des objets de la géographie sociale et culturelle peut reposer sur des recherches empiriques concernant les souvenirs touristiques à Swaziland (Afrique du Sud) et au Royaume-Uni. L'article s'ouvre par une réflexion sur la manière dont la notion d'enchantement avancée par Jane Bennett (Citation2001) propose un imaginaire utile de la matérialité de l'objet-souvenir. Plus particulièrement, la «rencontre paralysante momentanée» de l'enchantement se traduit par une recherche ethnographique qui s'intéresse de près à la présence d'objets au moment d'interrompre le déroulement de la vie quotidienne. Cet article explore dans quelle mesure la méthode qui consiste à «suivre» peut être adaptée pour étudier la nature processuelle de l'objet acteur et de la matérialité. Il se base sur des recherches portant sur la manière dont les objets étaient produits, mis en marché, vendus, et consommés en tant que souvenirs dans plusieurs endroits de Swaziland (Afrique du Sud), et sur la manière dont les objets-souvenirs étaient présentés, utilisés et conservés par les touristes britanniques chez eux. L'enchantement est à la fois une réaction disproportionnée et une partie intégrante des interactions qui se produisent avec ces objets. La notion d' «enchantement réfracté» est proposée dans le cadre de cet article afin d'explorer la présence de choses toujours produites, habituelles et résiduelles. Ce faisait, il aborde la problématique des relations qui s'établissent entre les personnes et les objets et comment leur spatialité prenne place dans des objets-souvenirs.
Este papel explora como un renovado interés por concepciones de objetos en el ámbito de la geografía social y cultural puede ser abordado mediante la investigación empírica llevado a cabo en Swaziland (Africa del Sur) y el Reino Unido con souvenirs turísticos. Empieza por considerar como la idea de Jane Bennett (Citation2001) sobre ‘encanto’ nos ofrece una imaginación muy útil de la materialidad del objeto de souvenir. Concretamente, el ‘encuentro momentario inmovilizador’ de encanto se traduce en la investigación etnográfica atenta a la presencia de objetos, mientras ellos interrompen el movimiento de la vida cotidiana. Este papel explora como el método de ‘seguir’ puede ser adaptado para enmarcar la naturaleza procesual de la agencia y materialidad del objeto. Hace uso de investigación sobre como los objetos-souvenir fueron producidos, comercializados, vendidos y comprados como recuerdos en varias localidades en Swaziland (Africa del Sur), y asimismo, cómo se presentaban, utilizaban y guardaban los objetos-souvenir en los hogares de los turistas en el Reino Unido. El encanto formaba una parte integral, pero excesiva, de las interacciones con estos objetos. Por lo tanto, este papel desarrolla la noción de ‘encanto refractado’ para explorar la presencia de las cosas como siempre producidas, habituales y residuales. Al hacerlo, también explora como la complejidad de relaciones entre personas, cosas y su espacialidad tienen lugar a través de los objetos-souvenir.
Acknowledgements
This paper is part of a wider PhD project entitled ‘Travel Souvenirs and the Imaginative Geographies of Southern Africa’ funded by the Economic and Social Research Council with the British Empire and Commonwealth Museum and I gratefully acknowledge their support. I would like to thank all those who participated in my research, both in Swaziland and the UK. I am also indebted to Tariq Jazeel, Chasca Twyman and Peter Jackson as well as three anonymous referees for their helpful comments on multiple versions of this paper. Finally, thanks to Jennifer Carton, Ruth Healey, Erena le Heron, Lucy Crane, Bridget Hanna and Sam Crook for their continual encouragement.
Notes
1 Within this research a number of conventional qualitative methods were employed to record the ways in which tourists and producers interacted with and spoke about objects. Although these have been critiqued for relying upon narrative structures of self-identity, their analysis and representation can be mobilised to attend to other theoretical perspectives such as affectivity and materiality (Crang Citation2003; Law Citation2004). Following Laurier (Citation1999), text generated through this research was treated reflexively to gain a sense of how objects had presence in conversation, events or notes, paying attention to details surrounding objects and events.
2 ‘Producers’ refers to all those involved in this research working in the souvenir-industry in Swaziland. When direct quotes are included I have stated their position and job within the souvenir industry. In summary the ‘producers’ involved include the following. Gone Rural (www.goneruralswazi.com) specialises in plaited Lutindzi grass tableware, whilst Tintsaba Craft (www.tintsaba.com) produces woven sisal grass jewellery. Both are not-for profit companies working towards attaining International Fair Trade Association (IFTA) status. Coral Stephens (www.coralstephens.com) produces hand-woven interior décor fabrics. Ngwenya Glass (www.ngwenyaglass.co.sz) produces recycled glassware and animal figurines. Baobab Batik (www.baobab-batik.com) sells interior décor such as wall hangings produced using fabrics, wax and a complex dying process. Swazi Candles (www.swazicandles.com) produces handcrafted wax candles. Ethnographic research was based at each of these sites, particularly at Ngwenya Glass, Baobab Batik and Swazi Candles where tourists were able to watch the production process. Research was also based at three craft markets in Swaziland. Ezulwini Valley Market is the largest and closest to three major hotels. There is also a craft market next to Swazi Candles, and a lesser known craft market in the main town in Swaziland, Manzini.
3 SAGA is a company based in the UK which provides tour holidays aimed at those over fifty years old. Their twenty-one-day ‘world in one country’ tour begins in Johannesburg and ends in Cape Town in South Africa. This incorporates one night in Swaziland where the afternoon activity is listed on the itinerary as ‘visit a local craft market’ (www.saga.co.uk).
4 Although there is not space to consider these geographical knowledges here in depth, the ways in which objects are mobilised to embody ‘Africanness’, particularly in relation to their ‘authenticity’, is a wider concern of this research.
5 Ngwenya Glass is part of most tourists' itineraries when visiting Swaziland, particularly because it incorporates a tourist shop selling glassware, an adjacent factory with a viewing platform as well as a coffee shop and some smaller craft outlets. It is also popular with tour companies because it is located in the North of Swaziland, five minutes from the border to South Africa, with space for up to twenty tour buses.
6 I began creating videos after a month of ethnographic research after getting to know sellers working at Ezulwini Valley Market. Videos were only created in stalls where the owner had been already formally participated in this research and where tourists were particularly interested. I filmed ‘purchasing events’ for five minutes on average so that I remained fully involved in purchasing decisions rather than filming as an outsider. The videos created in this research were therefore a form of evidentiary ‘visual note taking’ surrounding tourists' shopping practices (Crang Citation2003; Law Citation2004). I wrote a synopsis for each video and transcribed any conversation, incorporating details of the objects and interactions involved. However, when analysed as part of a wider ethnographic research project they also enabled a form of ‘visual thinking’ or retrospective fieldwork (Pink Citation2006). Watching these videos made connections with my personal experiences of accompanying tourists shopping for souvenirs on a daily basis for three months. They evoke a sense of the ordinary and repetitive nature of this tourism practice.
7 Kruger refers to Kruger National Park in South Africa. Many tourists visited Swaziland the same day they left Kruger National Park and often conflated the two by purchasing objects in Swaziland to represent their safari experiences in South Africa.