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Abstract
The important role which older people play in rural community development through their various activities has become a substantive area of interest across social science disciplines, including gerontology, sociology, psychology and human geography. Reflecting the demographic shift of an ageing countryside within many parts of the global north, the future of rural social policy initiatives will increasingly depend on a nuanced appreciation of the social and voluntary activities undertaken by the growing older population. We seek to expand this focus to consider the social value of these practices for both the individual and the particular communities of which they are a part, and make a case for ‘serious leisure theory’ (Stebbins 1982) as a potentially rich seam for exploring these relations. This is put into practice through a case study involving the over 60s residents of a village in rural Wales, and through in-depth interviews we draw attention to their role in securing socio-economic sustainability in the locality through voluntary, hobby-based and amateur pursuits. In conclusion, we consider the analytical merits and limitations of serious leisure theory and, more broadly, the implications of the political fashioning of community-engaged older people as exemplar public citizens in the context of ongoing neoliberal welfare reforms.
Dans les dernières années des disciplines de la science sociale, y compris la gérontologie, la sociologie, la psychologie, et la géographie humaine, se sont intéressées aux diverses activités des personnes âgées qui jouent un rôle important dans le développement des communautés rurales. En vue du changement démographique dans une campagne vieillissante dans de plusieurs régions du nord planétaire, l'avenir des initiatives de la politique sociale rurale dépendra de plus en plus d'une reconnaissance nuancée des activités sociales et bénévoles que la population croissante des personnes âgées entreprend. Nous visons à étendre ce point central pour prendre en considération la valeur sociale de ces pratiques à la fois pour l'individu et pour les communautés particulières dont ils font partie, et faire valoir un argument pour la «théorie du loisir sérieux» (Stebbins 1982) comme dispositif potentiellement riche pour examiner ces relations. On met en pratique ce dernier dans une étude de cas impliquant les résidents de plus de soixante ans d'un village rural au Pays de Galles, et en utilisant des entretiens approfondis nous attirons l'attention sur leur rôle d'obtenir la durabilité socio-économique locale par leurs passe-temps récréatifs, bénévoles, et amateurs. Pour conclure, nous considérons les mérites et les limitations de la théorie du loisir sérieux, et, plus largement, les implications de la fabrication politique des personnes âgées engagées dans leur communauté comme modèles de citoyens publiques dans le contexte des reformes néolibérales continues des allocations publiques.
Diversas disciplinas sociales, incluyendo la gerontología, sociología, psicología y geografía humana, están prestando atención al importante rol que la gente mayor tiene en el desarrollo de las comunidades rurales a través de sus variadas actividades. A partir del envejecimiento demográfico producido en muchas zonas rurales del norte global, el futuro de las iniciativas en materia de políticas sociales en esas zonas dependerá en forma creciente de una apreciación matizada de las actividades sociales y voluntarias llevadas a cabo por una población de gente mayor en crecimiento. En este trabajo nos proponemos ampliar dicha perspectiva considerando el valor social de estas prácticas tanto para el individuo como para las comunidad a la que pertenecen. Asimismo, destacamos el valor de la ‘teoría del ocio serio’ (Stebbins 1982) como un potencial y rico punto de sutura para explorar estas relaciones. Para ello presentamos un estudio de caso llevado a cabo con gente mayor a 60 años en un pueblo de Gales. A través de entrevistas en profundidad a sus residentes, destacamos el rol de los mismos en garantizar la sustentabilidad económica de la localidad por medio de su trabajo voluntario, sus hobbies y sus prácticas amateurs. En la conclusión, consideramos los alcances y los límites analíticos de la teoría del ocio serio. En términos más amplios, consideramos las consecuencias de la caracterización política de las personas mayores que participan en actividades comunitarias, como ciudadanos públicos ejemplares en el contexto de las reformas neoliberales del estado de bienestar en curso.
Acknowledgements
This paper is based on research supported by the Wales Institute of Social and Economic Research, Data and Methods (WISERD), which is funded by the UK Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) (grant number: RES-576-25-0021) and the Higher Education Funding Council for Wales (HEFCW). We would also like to recognise the contribution of Dr Suzie Watkin to the collection of the research data, and, of course, the people of Llangwledig for their willing participation, good humour and tea-making skills.
Notes
1. As a result of increases in the number and proportion of older people, the median age of the UK population has increased from 35 years in 1985 to 39.7 years in 2010. It is projected to continue to increase over the next 25 years, rising to 42 years by 2035 (ONS Citation2011a).
2. In 2009, 36.1 per cent of those living in rural areas in the UK were aged 40–64 years and 18 per cent were aged 65+. This compares to figures of 32 per cent and 15.9 per cent, respectively, for urban areas.
3. Llangwledig is a pseudonym.
4. For example, greater attention might be paid to the uneven spatial distribution of local volunteerism, whereby, as Milligan (Citation2007) amongst others has highlighted, differences in culture and socio-economic circumstances can affect people's willingness and ability to participate. Specifically, Fyfe and Milligan have demonstrated how the poorest urban communities often lack ‘voluntary resources, community income and institutional cultures of voluntarism’ to adequately address their own social welfare (Citation2003a, Citation2003b).
5. Yarwood and Shaw themselves make use of Campbell's (Citation2005) concept of the ‘craft consumer’ as a framework for the study of hobbyists and hobbies, and specifically the production and presentation of model railway layouts as various expressions of individual skill, knowledge, vision and achievement, but which are also embedded within wider networks of craft consumption practices.
6. Classifying the ‘rural’ is obviously a complex practice, with it being widely acknowledged as a multifaceted phenomenon comprising representational, material and lived dimensions (Halfacree Citation2006). In the context of our study, this includes the perceptions of residents as to what constitutes a rural area and how this is relationally defined. Nonetheless, a more general classification can provide the starting point for analysis and here we follow the one adopted by the Welsh Government statistical directorate in 2008, of areas with a population density of fewer than 150 residents per square kilometre (a definition specified by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) being classified as ‘rural’. A total of nine unitary authorities in Wales fall under this ‘rural’ category: the Isle of Anglesey, Gwynedd, Conwy, Denbighshire, Powys, Ceredigion, Pembrokeshire, Carmarthenshire and Monmouthshire.
7. This figure is for the electoral ward, of which Llangwledig is the main population centre, a figure that equates to a population density of 29.0 persons per square kilometre.
8. It is important to note that there is no ‘official’ consensus in Wales or across the UK more generally as to at what age people become ‘older people’. We have therefore taken the current UK female retirement age as a cut-off for our research sample, bearing in mind that current proposals are for this to increase to 65 years by 2018.
9. The WI was formed in 1915 to revitalise rural communities and encourage women to become more involved in producing food during the First World War. Since then, the organisation's aims have broadened and the WI is now the largest voluntary women's organisation in the UK, providing women with educational opportunities as well as campaigning on a range of issues. Nonetheless, the WI is often associated with particular constructs of (white, English) ‘rurality’ and the promotion of what Neal and Walters (Citation2006) term as ‘village values’ and traditions (see also Neal Citation2009). Whilst the WI is active in Wales, there is also a similar organisation, Merched y Wawr, which conducts its activities through the medium of Welsh. Both organisations were active in Llangwledig and some of our interviews belonged to both.
10. The respondent was female, in her 60s, living as a couple and had been a resident in her current house in Llangwledig for approximately 30 years.
11. The respondent was female, in her 70s, living alone and had lived in Llangwledig for approximately 20 years before recently moving to her current house, 3 miles from the village in the direction of the town of Aberystwyth.
12. The respondent was female, in her 70s, living as a couple and had lived in her current residence 2 miles outside Llangwledig for approximately 40 years.
13. The respondent was female, in her 60s, lived alone and had lived in Llangwledig for approximately 30 years.
14. The respondent was female, in her 70s, lived as a couple and had lived in her current residence in Llangwledig for approximately 15 years and within the surrounding area for all of her life.
15. The respondent was male, in his 70s, lived as a couple and had lived in Llangwledig for over 40 years.
16. The respondent was male, in his 80s, lived as a couple and had lived in his current residence 2 miles outside Llangwledig for approximately 40 years.
17. The respondent was female, living alone, in her 60s and had lived in Llangwledig for approximately 5 years.