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Special Issue: Deadly intersections: living and dying with nonhumans in everyday life

Producing (extra)ordinary death on the farm: unruly encounters and contaminated calves

La production d’une mort (hors de l’) ordinaire à la ferme: rencontres désordonnées et veaux contaminés

Producir una muerte (extra) ordinaria en la granja: encuentros rebeldes y terneros contaminados

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Pages 63-82 | Received 14 Aug 2019, Accepted 22 Dec 2020, Published online: 22 Mar 2021
 

ABSTRACT

In 2010, twenty-eight bovines on a Pennsylvania beef farm were exposed to a hydraulic fracturing wastewater leak on their grazing pasture. Over the following year, eleven out of seventeen calves born to the exposed animals died. The farmers framed the deaths as outside normal deathly production on the farm, while state institutions claimed the deaths resulted from the farmers’ negligence, framing them as ordinary. I draw on necropolitics to examine how death becomes a normalized mode of capital production in agri-food systems, investigating how the wastewater spill and calves’ deaths ruptured the everyday production of bovine death. The paper argues that death must occur in prescribed sites and at approved times to function as a site of value accumulation in capitalist agriculture. I examine how the spill and calf death events emerged through promiscuous entanglements between overlapping modes of capital extraction across and through the site of the farm. Using assemblages, I trace unruly, promiscuous encounters at this food-energy contact zone to consider how the calves’ deaths render visible the space-time boundaries used to manage more-than-human mortality as a metabolic process in livestock production, and highlight disparate power relations between diverse necropolitical actors and modes of governance.

En 2010, vingt-huit animaux dans un élevage bovin de Pennsylvanie ont été exposés à un déversement d’eaux usées provenant de fracturation hydraulique dans leur pâturage. Au cours de l’année suivante, onze des douze veaux nés de ce bétail exposé sont morts. Les exploitants agricoles ont considéré que ces décès étaient en dehors des taux réguliers de mortalité de production d’élevage, tandis que les institutions d’État ont déclaré qu’ils étaient le résultat de la négligence des exploitants, les présentant comme un fait normal. Je m’appuie sur la nécropolitique pour étudier la manière dont la mort devient un mode normalisé de production de capital dans le système agroalimentaire et recherche comment le déversement d’eaux usées et les décès des veaux ont rompu la production quotidienne des morts bovines. Cette communication soutient que la mort doit se produire dans des lieux prescrits et à des moments autorisés pour opérer en tant que site d’accumulation de la valeur dans l’agriculture capitaliste. J’étudie la façon dont le déversement et la mort des veaux sont apparus par le biais d’enchevêtrements dissolus entre des modes simultanés d’extraction capitaliste à travers et au travers de l’emplacement de la ferme. À l’aide d’assemblages, j’esquisse des rencontres désordonnées, dissolues dans cette zone de contact d’énergie alimentaire afin d’examiner comment les morts des veaux peuvent rendre visibles les limites spatiotemporelles utilisées pour gérer la mortalité plus-qu’humaine comme un processus métabolique dans la production de bétail et de souligner les relations de pouvoir disparates entre les multiples acteurs nécropolitiques et les modes de gouvernance.

En 2010, veintiocho bovinos en una granja de ganado vacuno de Pensilvania estuvieron expuestos a una fuga de aguas residuales de fracturación hidráulica en sus zonas de pastoreo. Durante el año siguiente, murieron once de los diecisiete terneros nacidos de los animales expuestos. Los granjeros enmarcaron las muertes como fuera de la producción mortuoria normal en la granja, mientras que las instituciones estatales afirmaron que las muertes se debieron a la negligencia de los granjeros, calificándolas de ordinarias. Me baso en la necropolítica para examinar cómo la muerte se convierte en un modo normalizado de producción de capital en los sistemas agroalimentarios, investigando cómo el derrame de aguas residuales y la muerte de los terneros interrumpieron la producción diaria de muerte bovina. El artículo sostiene que la muerte debe ocurrir en sitios prescritos y en momentos aprobados para que funcione como un sitio de acumulación de valor en la agricultura capitalista. Examino cómo el derrame y los eventos de muerte de terneros surgieron a través de enredos promiscuos entre modos superpuestos de extracción de capital a lo largo y a través del sitio de la granja. Utilizando ensamblajes, trazo encuentros rebeldes y promiscuos en esta zona de contacto entre alimentos y energía para considerar cómo las muertes de los terneros hacen visibles los límites del espacio-tiempo utilizados para manejar la mortalidad más que humana como un proceso metabólico en la producción ganadera, y resaltar las dispares relaciones de poder entre diversos actores necropolíticos y modos de gobernanza.

Acknowledgments

Many thanks to Mariya Shcheglovitova and John-Henry Pitas for co-organizing the Deadly Intersections special issue and for their invaluable discussions and recommendations along the way; to Hilda Kurtz, James Tyner, Amy Trauger, Jenn Rice, Jenn Thompson, Jerry Shannon, and Nadine Lehrer for comments on early drafts; and to the Social and Cultural Geography editorial team and, especially, two anonymous reviewers whose thorough, thoughtful, and timely suggestions have vastly improved this paper.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

1. I follow Bamberger and Oswald's (Citation2015) use of pseudonyms in their discussion of the 2010–11 wastewater spill.

2. Few necropolitical analyses consider death’s spatial/temporal organization as a means of capital accumulation, focusing instead on slaughter as ‘choreography’ (Burt & The Animal Studies Group, Citation2006; Law, Citation2010) or the construction of ‘humane’ slaughter (Higgin et al., Citation2011; Miele, Citation2011). Some notable exceptions apply, however (Colombino & Giaccaria, Citation2016; Gillespie, Citation2011, Citation2018).

3. For an earlier treatment of disturbance within existing assemblages, see Callon’s discussion on overflows, ‘hot’ situations, and ‘hybrid forums’ (Callon, Citation1998, pp. 260–61).

4. East Resources was later bought by Shell Gas, who also denied compensation to Jameson Farm.

5. Further information on what tests were administered for livestock and water/soil is not available from the analyzed texts.

6. Consolidation trends in U.S. agriculture have impacted beef farms to a lesser extent than some other farming sectors, such as dairy (MacDonald et al., Citation2018). The average Pennsylvania beef cattle herd is 39 animals, close to Jameson Farm’s herd of ‘over thirty’ animals (Bamberger & Oswald, Citation2015). Average herd size for all U.S. beef cattle is 80 animals with a median of 110 animals (ibid.; U.S. Department of Agriculture, Citation2019). However, this number obscures the increase in beef ranches and feedlots with 100+ animals, mainly concentrated in the western U.S. At 530 acres, Jameson Farm is larger than average farms in Pennsylvania (137 acres) and Tioga County (202 acres), although this acreage is split between the Jamesons and their son (Bamberger & Oswald, Citation2015).

7. The number of necropsies was likely limited by the farmers’ need to pay out-of-pocket. Further information is not available from the analyzed texts.

8. A total of eleven calves died out of the seventeen calves born on Jameson Farm between 2010–2011.

9. Other examples include improved transportation and refrigeration technologies, creating cold chains that keep meat ‘fresh’ longer by retarding microbiotic activity (Freidberg, Citation2009).

10. This process also occurs at the bodily scale, with individual animals removed from the food chain that don’t meet USDA standards for human consumption (see Collard and Gillespie’s [Citation2015, p. 5] account of a ‘downed’ cow in an auction yard).

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