Concealed productions of structural violence: a cultural flagship in post-authoritarian Spain

ABSTRACT

This article contributes to examinations of structural violence and flagship architectural projects. Neoliberal urbanism contributes to European urban stakeholders’ efforts to increasingly become entrepreneurial forces, generating intense competition investment and tourism. There is a multitude of marketing initiatives, but the inclusion of cultural flagship projects is notably prevalent, particularly after the exemplary success of the Guggenheim Museum that served as a model for the ‘Cidade da Cultura’ (CdC) cultural museum in the Spanish city, Santiago de Compostela. While the claim to promote culture and tourism is a common assertion, this project is highly political in nature. This article demonstrates that the allure of progress via the production of a ‘modern’ urban cultural icon obscured the structural violence of the project. Indeed, flagship architectural projects can be employed as a mechanism of exclusion. I argue that the CdC is best understood by attending to how the project concealed the production of political structural violence (i.e., economic and autocratic governance). In this case, public was excluded at the expense of an elite few CdC stakeholders’ funding priorities to attempt to forge a project for their own benefit.

Resumen

Este artículo contribuye a las evaluaciones de la violencia estructural y los proyectos arquitectónicos emblemáticos. El urbanismo neoliberal contribuye a los esfuerzos de los actores urbanos europeos para convertirse incrementalmente en fuerzas empresariales, generando una intensa competencia en inversión y turismo. Las iniciativas de marketing son múltiples, pero destaca la inclusión de proyectos culturales emblemáticos, particularmente tras el éxito ejemplar del Museo Guggenheim, que sirvió de modelo al museo cultural ‘Cidade da Cultura’ (CdC) de la ciudad española, Santiago de Compostela. Si bien la petición de promover la cultura y el turismo es una afirmación común, este proyecto es de naturaleza altamente política. Este artículo demuestra que el atractivo del progreso a través de la producción de un ícono cultural urbano ‘moderno’ opacó la violencia estructural del proyecto. De hecho, los proyectos arquitectónicos emblemáticos pueden emplearse como un mecanismo de exclusión. Sostengo que la CdC se entiende mejor prestando atención a cómo el proyecto ocultó la producción de violencia estructural política (es decir, la gobernanza económica y autocrática). En este caso, se excluyó al público a expensas de las prioridades de financiación de una élite de actores interesadas de la CdC para intentar forjar un proyecto para su propio beneficio.

Résumé

Cet article contribue à la recherche sur la violence structurelle et les projets architecturaux phares. L’urbanisme néolibéral contribue aux efforts des acteurs urbains européens de devenir de plus en plus des forces d’entreprise, engendrant de manière intense de la compétition, des investissements et du tourisme. Il y a une multitude d’initiatives de marketing, mais l’inclusion de projets culturels phare est notamment répandue, surtout après le succès exemplaire du Musée Guggenheim qui a servi de modèle pour le musée culturel de la « Cité de la culture ». (Cidade da Cultura, abrégé en CcC) dans la ville espagnole de Santiago de Compostelle. Tandis que l’on affirme que c’est au nom de la promotion de la culture et du tourisme, la nature de ce projet est éminemment politique. Cet article démontre que l’attrait du progrès par le biais de la réalisation d’un symbole culturel urbain « moderne » masque la violence structurelle du projet. En effet, les projets architecturaux phares peuvent être utilisés comme mécanismes d’exclusion. Je soutiens que l’on comprend mieux la CdC en s’intéressant à la façon dont le projet dissimule la production de violence structurelle (à savoir, la gouvernance économique et autocratique). Dans le cas présent, le grand public a été exclu au détriment des priorités financières de quelques intervenants élites de la CdC qui ont essayé de monter un projet pour leur propre bénéfice.

KEYWORDS:

• Structural violence
• post-authoritarian
• flagship architecture
• secular
• Spain

PALABRAS CLAVE:

• Violencia estructural
• post-autoritario
• arquitectura emblemática
• secular
• España

MOTS CLEFS:

• Violence structurelle
• post-Franco
• architecture phare
• séculier
• Espagne

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1. The city of Santiago de Compostela was named in reference to Saint James. Initially known as ‘el lugar de Santiago’ (the place of Saint James), during the 10^th century, ‘Compostela’ is added to the name of the city. Some believe Compostela derives from Compostitum or ‘composite place,’ but popular myths suggest it comes from campus stellae or ‘field of stars,’ a reference to the heavenly lights a hermit followed to discover the body of St. James (Gemie, 2006).

2. Jerusalem and Rome are two most important pilgrimage sites within Roman Catholic tradition.

3. Based on recommendations from local urban planners, university professors, and pollsters, I conducted public interviews: 1) daily in the city’s public market, Mercado de Abastos (this popular market is also located near the city center and university); 2) Area Central, Santiago’s largest shopping mall, located on the opposite end of town of the Mercado de Abastos; and 3) the city’s famous central park, Parque Retiro. I conducted interviews in these three locations throughout the week and weekend as well as during various times of the day (and in all weather conditions). I also interviewed people on the public tours of the CdC construction site.

4. Particularly in 2005, 2008 and 2015, internet and social media access in Galicia was the lowest in Spain; instead, locals identified these two newspapers as the most widely read news outlets for Galicia.

5. Manuel Fraga declined a personal interview regarding the CdC, but instead, requested I contact his Cultural Minister (Pérez Varela), as the PP’s representative for the CdC project.

6. The CdC Foundation consisted of fifteen Galician members: Fraga as president, a vice president (the Minister of Economy) and 12 cultural directors (i.e., four directors from the Cultural Heritage, Cultural Promotion, Social Communication and Tourism councils; the president of the Institute of Galician Arts and Music (IGAEM); two members from Galicia’s Economic Bureau, and the director of Public Finance and Treasury); Santiago’s mayor and a representative from the banks Caixa Galicia, Caixanova and Fundación Barrié also served on the board (Consello de Contas de Galicia, 2006).

7. As a result of the 2008 economic crisis, construction on the four buildings stopped again in 2010. All construction halted permanently in 2013.

8. A subsequent trial investigating the CdC ruled that Fraga and small number of his selected political elite were founded guilty of abuse of power by denying any form of shared governance in this publicly funded project (Contas Trial Testiomy – recorded audio from the Consello de Contas de Galicia, 2006).

Additional information

Funding

The Board of Trustees International Travel Grant (ASU) supported the research work.