ABSTRACT
Much of Northern Ireland remains divided as it continues to transition from a prolonged ethno-national struggle during a period of violence known as “the Troubles” (1969–1998). This conflict resulted in the loss of thousands of lives, residential segregation and the construction of “peace walls” that separate the two ethno-national communities (i.e. “Catholic”/republican and “Protestant”/loyalist) in parts of many of its cities and towns. Residential segregation and violent national projects in cities such as Belfast not only reflect wider regional national tensions; they often are the foundation from which the ethno-national conflicts first emerged and continue to persist and reinforce the non-inclusionary fissures between two communities. Exclusionary national ideologies, narratives and practices, manifested through parading, sectarian political murals and residential segregation demonstrate how many embody a restrictive vision of national identity. However, there are a few notable exceptions to these discriminatory practices – one of which is the subject of this paper. 174 Trust is a community centre in the divided northwest side of Belfast that is designed and dedicated to providing an inclusive, safe and “shared” place to foster a new form of civic nationalism. Through an analysis of their contemporary efforts to transform exclusionary historical expressions of nationalism by fostering a shared civic nationalism, this paper interrogates nationalism by focusing on a significant grassroots effort that may be overlooked in general investigations. As I suggest, the lessons offered by this community centre exemplify the potential of a micro-political approach and serve as a powerful model for future development within this and other divided communities.
Correction Statement
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Notes
1. Despite the perception of two rival homogenous communities in Northern Ireland, there is notable diversity within each of the groups, including significant generational, socioeconomic, political, ideological, gender, and spiritual differences. There are also disparities within the categorical divisions of these communities (i.e., among and within loyalists and unionists as well as republicans and nationalists).
2. While the state is framed as the predominant driver in such constructions, key stakeholders, situated individuals and political organizations can also become mobilizing forces that can effectively promote selective nationalist narratives.
3. While the majority of unionists identify as ‘British,’ others include ‘Northern Irish’ or ‘Irish’.
4. While there are a small number of individuals in Northern Ireland who self-identify as ‘Northern Irish,’ this group primarily consists of young ‘British Protestants’ and does not necessarily suggest the presence of an integrated, multi-national development (Hayes and McAllister Citation2013.)
5. 174 has a number of local, regional, national and supranational funding sources including: Northern Ireland’s Community Relations Council, The Heritage Lottery Fund, and several grants such as the International Fund for Ireland and the EU’s PEACE Programme.
6. Political geographers have recently drawn attention to the interconnected nature between sport and nationalism (e.g., Bleakney and Darby, Citation2018; Koch Citation2017).