PRC v. Hong Kong: politics and identity from the Cold War years to the  twenty-first century

Abstract

The two 2018 World Cup qualifiers between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Hong Kong were played out under a politically charged backdrop. Although the politicized atmosphere of these two matches was unprecedented, previous matches between the two teams did trigger two small scale riots, once in Hong Kong in 1980, and once in Beijing in 1985. This essay suggests that, since the PRC and Hong Kong first met in 1975, there have been three different stages concerning the political meanings of matches between these two sides. These three stages reflect the evolving political context and changing identities of the Hong Kong people. In the ongoing third stage, a rivalry between the PRC and Hong Kong has emerged because the fixture now embodies the conflicts between Hong Kong’s localism and the PRC’s nationalism.

Notes

1. Apparently, the people who held up the slogan actually meant ‘Hong Kong is not part of China’. It is likely that the slogan ‘Hong Kong is not China’ was inspired by the banner ‘Catalonia is not Spain’, which could often be seen on TV when Barcelona played Real Madrid at Nou Camp in recent years.

2. For Hong Kong’s ranking in the FIFA World Ranking, see http://www.fifa.com/fifa-world-ranking/associations/association=hkg/men/index.html.

3. Mathews et al., Hong Kong, China, 26–7. See also Lam, Understanding the Political Culture of Hong Kong.

4. Lee, ‘Can Hong Kong Chinese Football Players Represent their ‘Fatherland’?’; Lee, ‘Politics, Identity and Football during the Cold War’.

5. Mathews et al., Hong Kong, China, 29–31.

6. About the battles between the two Chinese regimes in FIFA, see Homburg, ‘FIFA and the ‘Chinese Question’’.

7. The ROC no longer called up players from Hong Kong after 1971. See Lee, Football Kingdom, 104.

8. Lui, That Vaguely Familiar 1970s, 28–9.

9. See Faure, ‘Reflections on Being Chinese in Hong Kong’, 114; Mathews et al., Hong Kong, China, Chapter 2.

10. Mathews et al., Hong Kong, China, 32–4.

11. Ibid., 37; Siu, ‘Remade in Hong Kong’, 186–7.

12. Hong Kong Times, June 22, 1975, 8.

13. For a more detailed discussion about the coverage of this match by different newspapers in Hong Kong, see Lee, Football Kingdom, 166–7.

14. Lee, Football Kingdom, 174.

15. South China Morning Post, January 2, 1981, 10.

16. Kung Sheung Daily, January 1, 1981, 8.

17. Hong Kong Times, January 1, 1981, 8.

18. See Tai Kung Pao, January 1, 1981, 8.

19. South China Morning Post, January 5, 1981, 31.

20. Carroll, A Concise History of Hong Kong, 179–82.

21. The full text of the Joint Declaration can be found at http://www.cmab.gov.hk/en/issues/jd2.htm.

22. South China Morning Post, May 20, 1985, 1; South China Morning Post, May 21, 1985, 1.

23. People’s Daily, May 21, 1985, 3.

24. Ibid., May 22, 1985, 1.

25. Ibid.

26. It should be noted that many newspapers in Hong Kong relied highly on information supplied by Western news agencies when reporting the riot.

27. Ming Pao, May 21, 1985, 4.

28. Ibid., May 23, 1985, 15. In the late 1890s, members of the Yihetuan, backed by the Qing Dynasty, engaged in violent acts in an attempt to drive out foreigners from China. Their actions prompted a coalition of foreign armies from eight countries to invade China.

29. Ming Pao, May 24, 1985, 15.

30. Hong Kong Times, May 21, 1985, 1.

31. Ibid.

32. Ibid., 2.

33. Ibid., May 22, 1985, 9.

34. Probably the only exception was Hong Kong’s home match against Indonesia, which took place hours after the People’s Liberation Army crushed the democratic movement on 4 June 1989. Some fans brought banners to the stadium to denounce the PRC regime for the killings.

35. Lau, Hongkongese or Chinese? 18–9; Mathews et al., Hong Kong, China, 47.

36. Ma and Fung, ‘Re-sinicization, Nationalism and the Hong Kong Identity’, 515–6.

37. See Faure, ‘Reflections on Being Chinese in Hong Kong’, 115.

38. Results of surveys on Hong Kong people’s trust in the Beijing Central Government can be found at https://www.hkupop.hku.hk/english/popexpress/trust/trustchigov/.

39. Ma and Fung, ‘Negotiating Local and National Identifications’, 175–7.

40. The broadcasting rights for the 2002 World Cup in Hong Kong were owned by Cable TV, meaning that apart from the opening match of the tournament, all group matches were unavailable on the free TV channels.

41. Ming Pao, June 9, 2002, A1.

42. Ibid., June 14, 2002, A3.

43. It remains the Hong Kong team’s worst defeat against the PRC. Despite the score, Hong Kong’s goalkeeper, Fan Chun-Yip, made several amazing saves, including a late penalty.

44. Hong Kong Economic Times, November 19, 2004, A49.

45. Hong Kong Commercial Daily, November 17, 2004, A6 and November 19, 2004, A6.

46. More specifically, the supporters of the localist movement tend to refuse to identify with the term Zhongguoren, but have little problem identifying with the term Huaren. Both terms can be translated into ‘Chinese people’ in English, but the term Zhongguoren can also mean people from the Chinese state, whereas the term Huaren is usually understood as a term that emphasizes the ethnic or cultural heritage, but not the political identity, shared by ethnic Chinese people around the world.

47. The term ‘Chee-na’ is seen as discriminatory and very offensive by many Chinese people because it is associated with the way the Japanese addressed the Chinese during Japan’s invasion of China in the 1930s and 1940s.

48. For a more comprehensive explanation of the rise of anti-China sentiment and its relationship with Hong Kong’s political development, see Ma, ‘The Rise of ‘Anti-China’ Sentiments in Hong Kong and the 2012 Legislative Council Elections’.

49. Since 1997, the chief executive of the Hong Kong SAR has been elected by an Election Committee, which consisted of 400 people in 1997 and has consisted of 1,200 people since 2012. The make-up of the Election Committee virtually guarantees that the chief executive will be loyal to Beijing and protect the interests of the business elites. Until now, only half of the seats of the LegCo have been returned through popular vote.

50. The match against Argentina was held to mark the 100th anniversary of the HKFA.

51. The author attended both of these matches and heard some fans booing the PRC national anthem before Hong Kong played Argentina. However, the number of people booing was small, and as the match was played in the Hong Kong Stadium with a capacity of 40,000, the booing did not appear significant to the spectators.

52. Ming Pao, January 15, 2016, A10.

53. This translation comes from a Reuters report, which can be accessed at http://in.reuters.com/article/soccer-world-china-race-idINKBN0OQ0A720150610.

54. This translation comes from a SCMP report, which can be accessed at http://www.scmp.com/sport/soccer/article/1819148/chinese-football-association-warns-fans-not-underestimate-hong-kongs.

55. The only exceptional moment between 1985 and 2014 was the 2009 East Asian Games held in Hong Kong. Hong Kong won the men’s football competition, and the key players on the team instantly became heroes of the city. However, the quality of the opposition was not that strong in 2009 because Japan sent one of its youth teams, the PRC sent their Olympic team and South Korea was represented by a team made up of second-division players.

56. The other three home matches also took place in Mongkok Stadium. There was little doubt that the Hong Kong Stadium would be full if the match against the PRC was played there, but the poor pitch condition at the largest stadium in Hong Kong meant that the match was eventually played in Mongkok Stadium.

57. Apple Daily, September 2, 2015, A09.

58. Ibid., September 5, 2015, A08. Apple Daily is known for its critical stance towards the PRC regime. Li Yi has become quite sympathetic to the localist cause in recent years.

59. For example, see the discussion on http://bbs.hupu.com/14644039.html.

60. The term achan was used in Hong Kong in the 1980s to refer to the country bumpkins from mainland China. The term gangchan was later coined by the mainland Chinese to refer to those from Hong Kong in a discriminatory manner (‘gang’ means ‘Hong Kong’). See Siu, ‘Remade in Hong Kong’, 188–91.

61. Ming Pao, November 16, 2015, A04.

62. It appeared that the hardcore fans refrained from using discriminatory remarks in the stadium, although I did see a banner displayed near the stadium that urged the ‘Chee-na people’ to go away.

63. The PRC actually hit the woodwork at least four times in the earlier home match against Hong Kong.

64. Qatar won the group and the PRC snuck into the next round as one of the best group runners up. Hong Kong eventually finished third in the group and was therefore eliminated from the World Cup qualifiers.

65. In recent years, some supporters of the localist movement have even begun to say that people in Hong Kong should not support dissidents and the democratic movement in mainland China.

66. Before the Hong Kong men’s rugby team played Japan for a berth in the rugby sevens competition in the 2016 Olympic Games, I could hear only two or three people booing the national anthem. However, the booing quickly stopped, apparently because nobody joined in. Most spectators in the Hong Kong stadium on that day (November 8, 2015) were from the expatriate community. Perhaps because the Hong Kong men’s football team is the only representative of Hong Kong in any team sport that generates public attention, it explains why, while other successful Hong Kong athletes also represent local pride, separatism and strong anti-China sentiment are virtually absent at other sporting events.

67. These labels include ‘Hongkonger in China’, ‘Chinese in Hong Kong’ and ‘Chinese’. Of course, those who choose the label ‘Hongkonger’ in surveys may still have some form of Chinese identification. Results of the survey can be found at https://www.hkupop.hku.hk/chinese/popexpress/ethnic/.