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Research Article

‘I have earned the right to be posterized’: equal (?) representation in pre and post-game photos from the @USWNT Instagram account

ABSTRACT

While many hold the United States Women’s National Soccer Team (USWNT) up as a beacon of feminism and equity within the broader scope of sports, since its inception the squad has been plagued with issues regarding equal representation for its players of colour and those within the LGBTQIA+ community. This includes depictions in mainstream media, promotional items, advertisements, endorsements and much more. This paper examines representation in images posted by the USWNT Instagram account during the 2021 and 2022 calendar years, focusing specifically on three types of photos: a match or game announcement photo, a match or game preview posted the day before, and a match or game day post, typically posted hours before the contest started.

Introduction

In interview after interview, Crystal Dunn made it known that she wanted to be the face of the United States Women’s National Team (USWNT), or as the Black defender put it, she ‘had earned the right to be posterized’.Footnote1 The question wasn’t whether or not she had earned the opportunity to lead advertising campaigns or become the face of women’s soccer in the U.S. alongside her White counterparts, but rather would the USWNT and the mainstream sports media allow a Black woman to do so?

Soccer – or football – has a long history of racism, as well as a disparity when it comes to who gains access and opportunity to the sport.Footnote2 This is true both internationally and domestically,Footnote3 with the USWNT serving as no exception.Footnote4 The disparity regarding the quantity of and treatment of White and Black players on the USWNT has long been a point of emphasis among fans and media alike, especially as the stature of the team continues to rise.Footnote5

Van Epps (Citation2016) found that in a 25 year-period the team featured only 14 players of colour on its World Cup or Olympic roster.Footnote6 Since 2016, five more players of colour have been named to a World Cup or Olympic roster, subsequently resulting in 19 total players of colour having competed for the USWNT in either an Olympic Games or Women’s World Cup for the past 30 years – the entire time these competitions have existed on the women’s side. Most recently, in the 2019 Women’s World Cup (WWC), the final roster featured five women of colour: Dunn, Adrianna Franch, Jessica McDonald, Christen Press, and Mal Pugh (now Swanson), an increase from the three who appeared in 2015, while six players of colour appeared on the 2020 Olympic roster.

While the number is slowly increasing – albeit at a glacial pace – none of these players have received the type of widespread fanfare, promotion, endorsement deals, or adulation as some of the most high-profile White players on the current or previous iterations of the roster – names like Mia Hamm, Julie Foudy, Brandi Chastain, Abby Wambach, Alex Morgan, and Megan Rapinoe.Footnote7

This discrepancy has long been an issue, with legendary Black goalkeeper Briana Scurry an example of someone who could have been destined for stardom but often took a backseat to her White teammates, especially during and in the immediate aftermath of the 1999 WWC.Footnote8 Since that time, the imbalance as it relates to race and the USWNT has only solidified, a conversation that was reignited in February of 2021 when the son of former USWNT coach – the late Tony DiCicco – tweeted: ‘There are too many excellent and marketable Black players on the #USWNT SheBelieves roster for them to not be represented in the promotion of these games. 0/4. Need you to do better, @USWNT, @ussoccer_comms’.Footnote9

The tweet was in reference to two digital matchday images – both featuring only White players - posted during the SheBelievesCup, a four-team tournament the squad has participated in since 2016.

Representation hasn’t been in abundance for the USWNT’s LGBTQIA+ members, either, with only nine openly LGBTQIA+ players competing in the two highest profile and prestigious tournaments in the world the Women’s World Cup and the Olympics - since the team began.Footnote10 In the history of the USWNT, there have been layers to LGBTQIA+ inclusion on its roster with many players coming out after their careers concluded and therefore not competing in one of these tournaments ‘out’ to the public, as well as out players who never received the opportunity to play in either tournament as an openly LGBTQIA+ athlete due to not making the team. The roster only had two publicly out players on its 2015 WWC roster but featured five in 2019, four of whom are White and one who is Black.Footnote11

In its three decades of existence, the USWNT has been hampered with issues regarding equal representation for its players of colour, as well as those within the LGBTQIA+ community.Footnote12 This includes depictions in mainstream media, promotional items, advertisements, endorsements and much more.Footnote13 Thus, the visibility and depictions of historically underrepresented and systemically marginalized groups within the USWNT are critical to scrutinize, especially considering the prominence of the team as it relates to women’s sports in the United States, but also its cultural, social, and political significance. This paper examines the racial, ethnic, and LGBTQIA+ representation in images posted by the USWNT Instagram during the 2021 and 2022 calendar years, focusing specifically on three types of photos: a match or game announcement photo, a match or game preview posted the day before, and a match or game day post, typically posted hours before the contest began.

How whiteness and heterosexism dominate women’s sports

Various aspects of women’s sports including promotion, advertising, marketing campaigns, as well as endorsements have long been dominated by two factors: Whiteness and heterosexism. That is to say, an athlete’s race and sexuality – as well as how they perform or present their sexuality in conjunction with their gender expression or identity – are determining factors in how they are promoted or marketed and, in the endorsement deals they do or do not attain. These two characteristics can have broad implications for female athletes no matter what sport they participate in.

As Leonard (Citation2017) states:

The sexualization of female athletes remains part of the experience of white cisgender women athletes that fulfill certain beauty standards, while for others erasure, invisibility, and masculinized narratives remain the norm. #PlayingWhileWhite, at least when doing so includes a ponytail, large breasts, a skinny waist, and the other requisite signifiers that fulfill male heterosexual desire, provides visibility and media attention within sporting cultures.Footnote14

In other words, ‘Whiteness asserts power and privilege even in the heteronormative, misogynistic, and hyper-sexualized sporting landscape’.Footnote15 Soccer has been no stranger to this phenomenon, as Allison (Citation2018) notes that the sport gained popularity in the United States – and more participation – ‘as a status symbol, slotting easily into a white, class-privileged lifestyle that stressed achievement and upward mobility’.Footnote16 This only increased in the 20th century as, ‘Soccer has emerged as a culturally dominant and top participation sport for white, suburban, class-privileged girls’.Footnote17 Consequently, the demographics on American pitches are starkly different from those around the world as it relates to race, ethnicity, religion, and social class. Put more simply, American soccer from the youth level on up through its national teams is undeniably and predominantly White.Footnote18

In a 2020 report analysing the representation of Black and Latinx individuals, as well as women, in U.S. Soccer, FARE found that Major League Soccer (MLS) rosters consisted of only 25% Black players and 33% Latino players. According to the report, there is a significant lack of representation as it relates to gender or race in the front offices of MLS sides, too, including as general managers, Presidents, Vice Presidents, or in executive positions.Footnote19 Abysmal representation can also be found in the National Women’s Soccer League (NWSL), with few women and people of colour serving as club presidents, general managers, or in executive positions.Footnote20 These numbers are mirrored in statistics that examine the number of women and people of colour serving as head or assistant coaches in both MLS and NWSL demonstrating how systemic inequities have favoured Whiteness in the two professional soccer leagues primarily played in the U.S.Footnote21

Whiteness has permeated the coaching staffs of the U.S. national soccer teams, too. Since the squad’s inception, nine individuals have been named head coaches of USWNT, six of whom have been men, and all of whom have been White. However, the team has had two openly queer women at the helm in its history, Swede Pia Sundhage from 2008 to 2012 and English manager, Jill Ellis, from 2014–2019.Footnote22 Similarly, beginning in 1916, thirty-seven different people have been named head coach of the United States Men’s National Team (USMNT), all of whom were White cisgender men, indicating that unsurprisingly, no women, openly queer, Black or Latinx individuals held the head coaching position of the USMNT. However, one slight area of diversity for both USWNT and USMNT is nationality or ethnicity, as each side has seen non-Americans take on the role.Footnote23

The other prevailing factor in women’s sports has been heterosexism, as highlighted by the tone and tenor of media coverage, type of fans accepted or promoted to, as well as general marketing, promotions, and endorsement opportunities.Footnote24 Claiming that heterosexism is apparent within sports is not new or novel, as there has been a long history of tension in women’s sports surrounding queerness – including the acceptance of, participation of, and acknowledgement of LGBTQIA+ women, gender nonconforming, gender fluid, and nonbinary folks in sport. Women in sports, specifically female athletes, have been depicted as threats to men,Footnote25 as well as attacks on heterosexuality,Footnote26 often resulting in advertising and marketing strategies focusing on athletes that are straight, feminine presenting, and White.Footnote27 This is especially true in American professional women’s soccer, where, ‘Maintaining a “family friendly image” distanced women’s soccer from the lesbian sexualities feared to alienate some fans and, perhaps more importantly, the prospective corporate and media partners for whom a safely white, feminine, and heterosexual image was most desirable’.Footnote28 This focus ‘made the lesbian fans feel invisible’ and highlighted ‘the role of homophobia in driving constructions of femininity’.Footnote29 Additionally, promoting American professional women’s soccer in this manner demonstrates the ‘consequences’ of perceived market forces by self-selecting female athletes who fit a certain image, ‘Corporate and media power drive a star system whereby a few white and heterosexually attractive women derive rewards from media exposure and corporate sponsorship at the expense of the vast majority of players who struggle with the lack of resources comparative obscurity denies’.Footnote30 Cooky and Antunovic (Citation2022) have pointed to a shift in the promotional culture of women’s sports, arguing that what once was focused on heterosexuality, femininity, and sexualization are now rife with themes of feminism and empowerment. Even then, the empowerment and feminism apparent are ones that privilege Whiteness, traditional feminine attributes, and heterosexism.Footnote31 Despite the rampant focus on heterosexuality, women’s sports – particularly women’s soccer and the USWNT – have colloquially been viewed as welcoming spaces for queer women, as well as the LGBTQIA+ community more broadly.Footnote32

Popularity and impact of the USWNT

As an entity, the members of the USWNT are oft considered the most high-profile, successful, and popular female athletes in the United States, perhaps only rivalled by tennis legend, Serena Williams.Footnote33 This popularity has sustained itself for almost two decades – waning only briefly – as the team initially took the nation by storm after winning the World Cup in 1999.Footnote34 Additionally, their 2015 WWC victory over Japan is one of the most-watched soccer games in the country’s history, as the nation once again became enamoured with the squad who became the first-ever all-female team to receive a ticker-tape parade in the streets of New York City.Footnote35 The squad’s profile only grew in 2019 after capturing the team’s fourth World Cup championship, which led to a plethora of media appearances, endorsement deals, advertising campaigns, and vociferous calls for equal pay. To many, the team stands for a certain brand of aspirational, yet modern feminism and the athletes serve as inspiration to the millions of young girls who look up to them.Footnote36

As such, many have examined the team in a variety of capacities, including in relation to the impact of the 1999 WWCFootnote37 and how the front pages of American newspapers looked after the 2015 WWC victory.Footnote38 Other areas in which the team has been analysed consists of the use of hashtags on Instagram during the 2015 WWC,Footnote39 how the players used Twitter before, during, and after that same tournament,Footnote40 the impact of nationalism on the teams popularity, in addition to how it is received by the publicFootnote41 as well as the ways in which fans decided to ‘self-represent’ their fandom,Footnote42 also during the 2015 WWC.

Despite the prestige, fame, and breadth, as well as depth, of accomplishments, the team – and its players – has consistently been sexualized, feminized, and objectified throughout the decades.Footnote43 This is not surprising, as ample research highlights how female athletes have consistently been presented in this manner by mainstream media outlets.Footnote44

There is also an abundance of literature on images of athletes, whether through their appearance at large scale events like the Olympics,Footnote45 on the pages of sports magazines,Footnote46 within the sports blog space,Footnote47 existing as a form of ‘digital activism’,Footnote48 in the context of specific teams or players,Footnote49 and in relation to presenting or performing fandom.Footnote50

Images of athletes posted on Instagram can also take on meaning, including as a method for athlete self-presentation,Footnote51 the narratives sports networks accounts perpetuate,Footnote52 how gender can be framed on the platform,Footnote53 and a space for teams to build their brands.Footnote54

The representation of female athletes more broadly, and the USWNT specifically, holds significance for a variety of reasons – one of which being its fanbase(s) and reach.Footnote55 Surely, a majority of the fanbase consists of families with young children – particularly those with school-aged girls – but part of the USWNT’s popularity stems from the queerness of both the players that make up the team and the fanbase that supports it, with their games a perceived safe space for the LGBTQIA+ community.Footnote56 This notion is bolstered by the widespread belief that sport – particularly women’s sport – is generally a safe environment for LGBTQIA+ women and gender fluid, gender nonconforming, gender expansive, or nonbinary individuals to express themselves and their identities, as both participants and fans.Footnote57

But another unavoidable factor lurks when discussing the popularity and impact of the National Team – much of the team is White, and always has been. This is no surprise, as Allison (Citation2018) argues that women’s soccer in the United States has been defined by limited inclusion ‘at the expense of inclusivity and diversity’ stating that as an entity, women’s soccer has consistently ‘relied on whiteness, class privilege, and heterosexuality to push for inclusion in male-dominated sport’ and that in doing so, professional women’s soccer as both a league and sport, ‘has struck something of a devil’s bargain, making the inclusion of women more palatable through racial, sexual, and class normativity. It is as if women’s soccer has said, “Maybe they will let us in if our image isn’t too threatening”..Footnote58

USWNT representation, by the numbers

Issues regarding representation and visibility have frequently plagued the National Team in its 30-year existence. Over the course of two and a half decades, the team featured only 14 players of colour on its World Cup or Olympic rosters.Footnote59 Five more players of colour have been added to a World Cup or Olympic roster in the past six years – three of which were for the 2020 Games – resulting in 19 players of colour competing for the USWNT in either an Olympic Games or Women’s World Cup for the past 30 years. Notably, those three players of colour were originally named as alternates to the 2020 Olympic roster and were only included to the official tally due to changes in roster rules brought on by the pandemic.Footnote60 It is significant that this 30-year span comprises the entirety of which each of these competitions have existed on the women’s side highlighting a persistent and consistent issue within the team. In the 2019 Women’s World Cup (WWC), the final roster featured five women of colour, an increase from the three who appeared in 2015, while the 2020 Olympics boasted six players of colour compared to three on the 2016 roster.Footnote61

Similar issues have arisen for the USWNT’s LGBTQIA+ members, as the squad has had merely nine players who were out to the larger public and in the media as members of the queer community while competing in either the World Cup or the Olympics (sometimes both).Footnote62 This lack of substantial quantity regarding representation does not portend a lack of LGBTQIA+ athletes on the team over three decades, rather it highlights a resistance or hesitancy for those players to come out or reveal their sexuality to the public or media during their careers. While the total quantity may be modest, there have been some perceived advances in this area, as the roster only had two publicly out players on its 2015 WWC roster but featured five in 2019,Footnote63 while Rapinoe was the only out member of the 2016 Olympic team, compared to five in 2021. Additionally, Franch – who appeared on both the 2019 WWC and the 2020 Olympic rosters – is one of only two openly LGBTQIA+ players of colour to compete in one of these wide-reaching events, the other being Natasha Kai in 2008. When taken together, these numbers with respect to race and sexual identity indicate that for decades, the USWNT has been majority White and heterosexual, a fact that has wide-ranging significance, consequences, and implications. Therefore, individuals of colour and openly LGBTQIA+ players have been historically underrepresented and marginalized groups within the USWNT, including on the roster of large scale, international tournaments, as the focus of promotional materials, and within the larger sports media landscape.

Method

In a 23-month period – from January 2021 to November 2022, 105 total images were examined, 14 of which were a match or game announcement photo, 49 of which were a match or game preview, and another 42 that were a match or game day of post. Seven additional photos were posted three days prior to a match serving as a preview to the preview, which occurred the day before the game. These seven images were considered preview images for purposes of analysis, as they followed the same structure as the other images examined.

To determine whether or not these groups continue to be treated in these terms, a content analysis was performed of the promotional photos posted to the @USWNT Instagram account, which has 2.3 million followers as of January 2024. The same images used on Instagram were also posted to Twitter and ussoccer.com in the ‘Recent News’ section, as well as the page dedicated to not the entire entity of US Soccer, but the USWNT specifically (https://www.ussoccer.com/teams/uswnt). Therefore, these graphics could be seen in four separate places, including social media and an official website, not to mention the possibility of dissemination through retweets or posts by the players and other entities related to U.S. Soccer. While the identical images were posted in four separate places, this study solely focuses on the USWNT Instagram account.

Three different types of photos were used for analysis: a match or game announcement photo, a match or game preview characteristically posted the day before, and a match or game day post, typically posted hours before the contest started. These categories were chosen because of their format and promotional element, because they featured two athletes serving as a digital ‘poster’ for the contest, and did not contain any game or practice content, including images or video. Additionally, the photos – promotional in nature – are formulaic and posed, making it easier to draw conclusions from the comparisons. Generally, the hallmarks of these images include the two women in their uniform next to their names, text that states the particulars of the game (time, opponent, where one can watch), the team crest, and the colours red, white, and blue. Sometimes sponsors were featured in these posts, as was the slogan, ‘one nation, one team’ - the official motto for all of U.S. Soccer. Further, the uniforms the women are wearing in the images didn’t feature their numbers or names, making the main identifying marker the text of their name and likelihood of the consumer or audience member to recognize them. Proportionally, these images make up a small percentage of the content posted to the USWNT Instagram account, as it consistently posts approximately 1,000 times a year. Other examples of content posted to the USWNT Instagram account that was not included for analysis contains but is not limited to: video clips from matches, roster announcements, birthday wishes to players, highlights of a team or player milestone, flashback memories of past teams or players, and photos from training sessions.

The images were analysed and catalogued to calculate the racial, ethnic, and sexual identities of the players posted – the categories of which included the number of White/Non-Hispanic players, Black players, White Hispanic players, heterosexual players, and LGBTQIA+ players, while also factoring occurrences where both players pictured were White/Non-Hispanic, Black, White Hispanic, heterosexual, or LGBTQIA+. The identities calculated were done so by examining the social media posts of the players, as well as mediated communication about the individuals. Athletes must have either self-identified regarding their race, ethnicity, heterosexuality, or queer identity, and/or been explicitly categorized in those terms by media outlet(s). For example, players posting engagement or wedding announcement photos or a news article highlighting an individual’s partner. In all instances regarding the Black (a term commonly referring to race in the United States), White Hispanic (a term commonly used to connote ethnicity, not race, in the United States) or LGBTQIA+ individuals, the athletes themselves self-identified in this manner and had media refer to them by these identities, too. If an athlete did not self-identify (ie: through a public statement, social media post, or story about them) in this manner, then they were not included as a member of that group. These identities were chosen for a variety of factors, including the historical significance of lack of representation in these categories. Additionally, the race, ethnicity, and sexuality of the players is often ‘knowable’ and easy to confirm through social media posts by the players themselves, or articles written about the athletes. Frankly, these are also the only visible or outward areas of diversity that exist within the makeup of the team’s roster, demonstrating a dearth of visibility and representation for many other identities and backgrounds.

For instance, all of the players of colour featured in the images from 2021 identify as Black, demonstrating a startling but not surprising lack of racial diversity, with no Asian, Pacific Islander, or Native American representation. Macario, who was born in Brazil, is Afro-Latina and self-identifies as a ‘Black girl’ in a Player’s Tribune piece.Footnote64 She is the only Afro-Latina to appear on the roster during this time period and subsequently the only Afro-Latina in any of the images. Two White Hispanic players – Ashley Sanchez and Sofia Huerta, both Mexican American – appeared in images in 2022, adding some ethnic diversity to the sample. Further, while members of the team may present or perform their gender in various ways both on and off the field, the roster examined does not include players who identify as trans, nonbinary, gender nonconforming, genderfluid, or gender expansive. Pertaining to sexuality, the athletes solely identify as heterosexual, gay, lesbian, or queer – or a combination of these labels – resulting in insufficient representation regarding pansexuality, bisexuality, asexuality and other sexual identities. If an athlete or media entity did not disclose any information about their sexuality, they were categorized as unknown, as it would be heteronormative to assume heterosexuality as the default, and harmful to make assumptions about one’s sexuality – no matter what that identity may be.

Lastly, no athletes who self-identified as disabled or have discussed their disability in the public eye were featured in the images that was analysed. This follows a trend of a lack of disability representation, as it wasn’t until 2022 when a player with a limb difference, Carson Pickett, made an appearance for the USWNT.Footnote65 The on-field positions of players, the amount of minutes played, as well as status as a starter, bench player, or back-up were not measured in the coding and therefore could be considered a limitation of the study. For instance, it is logical to assume that a player who receives less playing time or is a back-up will be featured in fewer promotions in social media campaigns, just as a starter or star player will likely receive more.

illustrates all 48 individuals who appeared on an USWNT gameday roster during the two-year span included in analysis. Included in the table is the public race or ethnicity of the player, their public sexual identity, and the year or years the athlete appeared on a roster.

Table 1. All players who appeared on an USWNT roster in 2021 and/or 2022.

As demonstrated in , of the 48 total athletes included on USWNT rosters for the two-year period, 32 are White/Non-Hispanic players, 14 are Black players, two are White Hispanic players, 25 are heterosexual players, eight are LGBTQIA+ players, and there are 15 whose sexuality is categorized as unknown. This means that over 66% of players in the sample are White/Non-Hispanic, 29% are Black, and .04% are White Hispanic. Additionally, 52% of the players self-identify as Heterosexual, with 16% identifying as members of the LGBTQIA+ community, and 31% whose sexuality is not known.

Of the 48 athletes who were called up to a roster, 39 were included in at least one type of photo posted to Instagram during 2021–2022. highlights all of the players included in the sample for analysis, listed in alphabetical order. Included in the table is the public race or ethnicity of the player, their public sexual identity, the total number of times that athlete was featured in the photos, the types of photos the athlete was featured in, and the year or years the athlete appeared.

Table 2. Players included in images posted to USWNT Instagram.

Of the 39 individuals included in the three types of images posted to the USWNT Instagram, 25 (64%) are White/Non-Hispanic, 12 (30%) are Black, and two (.05%) are White Hispanic, while 23 (59%) self-identify as heterosexual, compared to five (13%) members of the LGBTQIA+ community, and 11 (28%) with unknown sexual identities. As there are only nine fewer individuals represented in this sample (players included in photos) compared to the total number of athletes named to an USWNT roster the percentages regarding the various identity categories are extremely similar.

When it comes to personal identities, the public – including fans and members of the media – only know the information available to them and can never be sure of how players self-identify unless said players have specifically addressed it. It is probable that there are many players whose racial or sexual identity is unknown or different than perceived in this study. Additionally, it expected that someone’s racial or sexual identity may be made public later in a player’s career, with the possibility of a player belatedly coming out as LGBTQIA+ who is not currently listed as a member of the community. An athlete’s gender identity, performance, or expression may also change over time. These critical nuances in attempting to capture perceptions of a specific moment in time can be seen as a limitation of the study.

Forty-two games are represented in this sample, encompassing the entirety of the 2021 and 2022 calendar years, including the 2020 Olympic Games held in Tokyo. The squad only played 9 games in 2020 due to COVID-19 and the cancellation of the Tokyo Games, but competed in 24 during the World Cup year of 2019, 20 the year prior in 2018, and 16 in 2017. After competing in the Olympics during the summer of 2021, the USWNT finished the year having played 24 matches, while the squad competed in 18 matches in 2022, indicating that the sample is representative of a standard season for the team and therefore advantageous for analysis.

Results

In sum, there were 55 images posted for the entirety of the 2021 campaign, including seven announcement images, 24 preview images, and 24 game day images. In total, 25 separate players were used in these images, with 21 players used more than once. Of those individuals who had repeat appearances seven were players of colour – Dunn, Franch, Macario, Press, Margaret (Midge) Purce, Sophia Smith, and Lynn Williams – and four more – Tierna Davidson, Kristie Mewis, Kelley O’Hara, and Rapinoe – self-identify as members of the LGBTQIA+ community. Franch identifies as both Black and queer, and the only athlete with multiple appearances who occupies both of these subjectivities. Eight additional players who appear more than once – Julie Ertz, Lindsey Horan, Rose Lavelle, Carli Lloyd, Sam Mewis, Alex Morgan, Becky Sauerbrunn, and Andi Sullivan – are all White/Non-Hispanic and self-identify as straight, while the final three who appear more than once – Tobin Heath, Alyssa Naeher, and Emily Sonnett – are White/Non-Hispanic with their sexuality categorized as unknown.

Dunn (Black, heterosexual), Lloyd (White/Non-Hispanic, heterosexual), and Lavelle (White/Non-Hispanic, unknown) appeared the most in these images for 2021, as they were incorporated in nine different sets of images, while Rapinoe (White/Non-Hispanic, LGBTQIA+) appeared in six sets of photos.

In sum, seventeen different White/Non-Hispanic players (Jane Campbell, Abby Dahlkemper, Davidson, Ertz, Heath, Horan, Lavelle, Lloyd, K. Mewis, S. Mewis, Morgan, Naeher, Rapinoe, O’Hara, Sauerbrunn, Sonnett, and Sullivan) were used in these images over the 11-month stretch of 2021, compared to eight Black players (Dunn, Franch, Casey Krueger, Macario, Press, Purce, Smith, and Williams), and zero White Hispanic players. With regards to the various sexual identities represented by the players in the images, five self-identifying LGBTQIA+ players (Davidson, Franch, K. Mewis, O’Hara, and Rapinoe) and thirteen heterosexual individuals (Dahlkemper, Dunn, Ertz, Horan, Krueger, Lloyd, S. Mewis, Morgan, Purce, Sauerbrunn, Smith, Sullivan, and Williams) were included, as well as seven athletes with an unknown sexuality (Campbell, Heath, Lavelle, Macario, Naeher, Press, and Sonnett).

On 24 occurrences both of the individuals pictured in the set were White/Non-Hispanic, compared to one instance where both women were Black. There was only one occurrence where both players pictured identified as LGBTQIA+. However, on 14 separate occasions when both people in the pictures were White/Non-Hispanic, at least one was also LGBTQIA+, meaning that there were 10 images that featured two White/Non-Hispanic, heterosexual players coupled together.

illustrates the total number of occurrences that White/Non-Hispanic, Black, White Hispanic, LGBTQIA+, and heterosexual individuals appeared in each set of photos for the year 2021, including repeat appearances of athletes featured more than once, as well as the total number of unique players represented for the sample set. In total, for 2021, there were 74 appearances of White/Non-Hispanic individuals, compared to 29 of Black individuals, and 0 White Hispanic individuals, as well as 20 appearances of LGBTQIA+ individuals, in comparison to 59 of heterosexual individuals, and 24 highlights of an athlete with an unknown sexuality.

Table 3. 2021 images.

Comparatively, 50 images were posted in 2022, including seven announcement images, 25 preview images, and 18 game day images. Seven additional photos were posted three days before the match was set to kick off, essentially previewing the match preview. In total, 30 separate players were used in these images, with 21 players used more than once. Of those individuals who had repeat appearances eight were Black – Alana Cook, Dunn, Naomi Girma, Macario, Pugh, Purce, Trinity Rodman, and Smith, - and three more – Mewis, O’Hara, and Rapinoe – self-identify as gay. Huerta and Sanchez were the only two White Hispanic players who appeared multiple times over the course of the 2022 season, while none of the players included identified as both a person of colour and queer. There were six players who appear more than once – Emily Fox, Ashley Hatch, Horan, Morgan, Sauerbrunn, and Andi Sullivan – who are all White/Non-Hispanic and self-identify as straight, while two more – Jaelin Howell and Lavelle – are White/Non-Hispanic and included in the unknown category for sexuality. Smith (Black, heterosexual) appeared the most in these images, as she was incorporated in seven different sets of pictures, while Morgan (White/Non-Hispanic, heterosexual) and Pugh (Black, heterosexual) appeared in six sets of photos, and five athletes – Fox (White/Non-Hispanic, heterosexual), Lavelle White/Non-Hispanic, unknown), K. Mewis (White/Non-Hispanic, LGBTQIA+), Sanchez (White Hispanic, heterosexual), and Sauerbrunn (White/Non-Hispanic, heterosexual) were highlighted five times. Girma (Black, unknown), Horan (White/Non-Hispanic, heterosexual), and Purce (Black, heterosexual) were all featured four times throughout the season. Overall, of the 11 most frequently featured athletes four were Black, one was White Hispanic (Mexican American), another identifies as queer, and four were straight, White/Non-Hispanic women.

Overall, 19 different White/Non-Hispanic players (Sam Coffey, Dahlkemper, Davidson, Fox, Gautrat, Hatch, Horan, Howell, Lavelle, K. Mewis, Morgan, Casey Murphy, Aubrey Kingsbury, Taylor Kornieck, O’Hara, Rapinoe, Sauerbrunn, Sonnett, and Sullivan) were used in a total of 50 images over the course of 2022, compared to nine Black players (Cook, Dunn, Girma, Macario, Pugh, Purce, Rodman, Smith, and Williams) 31 times, and two White Hispanic individuals (Huerta, Sanchez) nine times. Four openly LGBTQIA+ players (Davidson, K. Mewis, O’Hara, and Rapinoe) were featured in photos for 2022, for a total of 11 instances, compared to 19 heterosexual athletes appearing 59 times, and seven unknown athletes equalling 18 occurrences. There were 17 occurrences where both individuals pictured were White or White Hispanic, compared to three instances where both women were Black. There were no occurrences where both players pictured identified as LGBTQIA+ or White Hispanic and only one in which one Black player was paired with a White Hispanic athlete. Additionally, there were only five separate occasions when both people in the pictures were White or White Hispanic, at least one was also LGBTQIA+, meaning that there were 11 images that featured two White, heterosexual players coupled together. However, of those 11 instances essentially half – five – included a player who self-identifies as Mexican American.

illustrates the total number of occurrences that White/Non-Hispanic, Black, White Hispanic, LGBTQIA+, and heterosexual individuals appeared in each set of photos, including repeat appearances of athletes featured more than once, as well as the total number of players represented for the sample set.

Table 4. 2022 images.

Discussion

Of the 105 images examined, 81 included either a Black, White Hispanic, or LGBTQIA+ individual, meaning 77% of photos posted by the @USWNT Instagram account featured a marginalized player. However, only 17 times – or 16% - did both women featured include those who comprise of underrepresented identities. Additionally, 78 of the images − 74% - did include a White/Non-Hispanic athlete as one or both of the individuals highlighted in the post. In the two-year span examined, there were 124 instances of a White/Non-Hispanic player appearing in an image, compared to the 60 occurrences featuring a Black individual, and nine such instances of a White Hispanic player. Furthermore, there were only 31 times that an LGBTQIA+ individual appeared in the images, in stark contrast to the 118 examples of a heterosexual being included in a photo, and fewer than the 42 instances in which the athlete’s sexuality was unknown. These numbers include the total number of times an athlete was highlighted and contains many repeat appearances by the 39 players in the sample, as well as some occasions where both athletes featured was of the same race, ethnicity, or sexual identity. For example, Alex Morgan appears 12 times over the course of 105 total images and therefore is counted 12 times in the White/Non-Hispanic, as well as heterosexual, categories. In addition, when Morgan appears alongside another White/Non-Hispanic and straight athlete in an image, they are both counted as their respective identities, not as a singular instance of a White/Non-Hispanic and heterosexual individual. This is to make sure that the total number of times a singular athlete appears, as well as the quantity of each identity category are both calculated, as that can assist in providing a richer representation of not just who, but the patterns of the types of individuals included in these images.

Furthermore, in total only nine Black, two White Hispanic, and four LGBTQIA+ players were featured in the game or match day images, arguably the highest profile types of photos in the batch. As games – particularly those that are nationally televised – are hyped up, there is more likely to be engagement on social media on game day. Therefore, the inclusion of 15 White/Non-Hispanic players – nine that appeared twice – in this type of photo could indicate a preference to promote or advertise the White/Non-Hispanic players. It is also notable that there were only four total instances of a post headlined by two Black players – two of which occurred in game day photos – while the display of two White/Non-Hispanic individuals occurred 15 times in game day images and 19 times in preview images.

Of the ten members who appeared the most in the entirety of these images (listed in descending order based on the number of images they appeared in): Lavelle (White/Non-Hispanic, unknown), Morgan (White/Non-Hispanic, heterosexual), Dunn (Black, heterosexual), K. Mewis (White/Non-Hispanic, LGBTQIA+), Smith (Black, heterosexual), Horan (White/Non-Hispanic, heterosexual), Sauerbrunn (White/Non-Hispanic, heterosexual), Rapinoe (White/Non-Hispanic, LGBTQIA+), Lloyd (White/Non-Hispanic, heterosexual), and Press (Black, unknown), all but three are White/Non-Hispanic, along with six who identify as heterosexual. Included here in the unknown category is Press, who despite much speculation regarding her sexuality, did not seem to confirm her inclusion in the LGBTQIA+ community until the summer of 2022, even though she has not ‘officially’ come out as queer.Footnote66 However, she only appeared in images during the 2021 season and was therefore not ‘out’ when featured in these photos.

Interestingly, of the six athletes who appeared in 10 or more images throughout this two-year span, four are White/Non-Hispanic – Lavelle (unknown), Morgan (heterosexual), K. Mewis (LGBTQIA+), and Horan (heterosexual) and two of whom are Black (Dunn and Smith, also both heterosexual). Additionally, one – K. Mewis – is a member of the LGBTQIA+ community, while another (Lavelle) is included as unknown. Lavelle appeared 14 total times in these images, surfacing more in 2021 with nine occurrences, while Morgan appeared six times in both years, equalling 12 overall highlights. While there are some outliers, both if the years are looked at separately or as a unit, generally it gives the impression that White/Non-Hispanic and heterosexual athletes are pictured more frequently than their Black, White Hispanic, or queer counterparts.

However, the frequency of both White/Non-Hispanic and heterosexual athletes should not be a surprise considering the historical numbers related to representation, as well as the makeup of the rosters analysed. Since 66% of the players in the USWNT rosters and 64% of the individuals included in the images were White/Non-Hispanic, it makes sense that White/Non-Hispanic players would be most represented in the sample, both in unique, as well as total occurrences. The same can be said for sexual identity, with 52% of the athletes appearing on a roster and 59% of the individuals highlighted in an image self-identifying as heterosexual. As 77% of images analysed over the course of 2021–2022 included a marginalized player, one may presume that the USWNT Instagram account may be overcorrecting, that is, actively choosing to post most promotional photos that include players of colour, as well as those that identify as members of the LBTQIA+ community. Nevertheless, the prominence of White/Non-Hispanic and heterosexual athletes in these images cannot be overstated.

As the Olympics were the most high-profile competition the team played in during this two-year span- and is one of only two major tournaments the team participates in at an international scale – it is worth breaking down those photos in more detail. There were twelve total images representing six games in this sample, which featured 15 different players from the 22-person roster. Rosters are mandated to be 18 players for the Olympics; however, organizers expanded the rosters to 22 due to COVID-19. Therefore, when the roster was initially announced it only featured five openly LGBTQIA+ members, one of whom is a LGBTQIA+ person of colour, and three Black individuals. Once the roster was expanded to 22, the final tally included 16 White players, six players of colour, and no White Hispanic players, as well as five openly LGBTQIA+ people, 10 heterosexual individuals, and only one member of the team who is Black and LGBTQIA+. That means that almost 23% of the roster featured players who are openly queer and 27% of the squad was made up of individuals of colour. Additionally, about 73% of the roster comprised White/Non-Hispanic women and 31% of the players on the team self-identify as White/Non-Hispanic and heterosexual, with 45% of the roster comprised of heterosexual individuals (both Black and White). As 15 of the 22 total players were featured in two types of images analysed – game previews and match day posts – over 68% of the roster was represented in these images. Furthermore, eight of the 15 players were featured more than once in these photos, with Rapinoe (White/Non-Hispanic, LGBTQIA+) pictured in three. Of the eight players shown multiple times over the course of multiple games, Dunn (Black, heterosexual) and Press (Black, unknown) were the only players of colour used twice, while Rapinoe was the only openly queer player shown more than once. Overall, seven players were not pictured at all in any of these photos, including four individuals of colour and one openly queer player. It is worth noting that the one LGBTQIA+ player who was not included is also Black. However, this individual is the back-up goalie and therefore the exclusion is not surprising. In sum, 13 of the 15 players who appeared on either a game preview or game day image during the Olympics were White/Non-Hispanic, four of whom are also LGBTQIA+, indicating that almost 87% of images highlighted a White/Non-Hispanic member of the team. It is also worth noting that on six occasions the image included either a player of colour or a member of the LGBQT+ community, while nine images solely spotlighted White/Non-Hispanic, straight individuals. Notably four of the five queer players appeared in these images during this competition – including Rapinoe’s team-high of three appearances – but only two of the six players of colours were incorporated. While these numbers are not entirely consistent with or representative of the full makeup of the roster, they are consistent with the ways in which professional women’s soccer has been promoted and marketed to the public, particularly in the case of the three-decade long history of the USWNT. The lack of inclusivity when it comes to players promoted through these photos, especially during a high-profile international tournament like the Olympics, indicates how Whiteness and heterosexism function within women’s sports. Additionally, it illustrates how these forces continue to benefit certain players to the detriment of others.

Five types of poses were performed by the players in the pictures selected, including interacting with the crest on the jersey, arms folded or crossed in front of them, hands on their hips, pumping their fists, and lastly the arms outstretched pose that Rapinoe made famous during the 2019 WWC. As these poses were almost all universal – save for the Rapinoe pose, which is specific to one player – it is difficult to deduce whether poses were chosen based on the race, ethnicity, or sexuality of the player. More photos will have to be analysed in order to determine this. Specifically, it would be pertinent to see whether minoritized women were more likely to pose in a more traditionally masculine fashion, with the White/Non-Hispanic, and/or straight women more likely to pose in a conventionally feminized manner.

One may argue the overarching results of these photos are the consequence of who has been deemed more marketable or promotable in the past, as players like Morgan, Lloyd, and Ertz all of whom are White/Non-Hispanic and heterosexual - have previously been the focus of high-profile advertisements and endorsements. However, this type of exposure can repeatedly lead to more popularity, which brings with it more promotional and marketing opportunities. Concurrently, if the official USWNT social media accounts continue to feature majority White/Non-Hispanic and straight women in their posts, then those players will continue to gain exposure, which further marginalizes the Black, White Hispanic, and LGBTQIA+ players. More appearances on the official National Team social media – particularly in game day posts – for the openly LGBTQIA+ or Black women, could provide them with a larger platform and increased visibility.

The results are also representative of the makeup of the team, more broadly, as the squad continues to lack considerable diversity. According to the official rosters that illuminate which players are available for selection in certain games, during the time-frame examined, the highest total for Black players on any one individual 23-man roster was seven, with there being five openly LGBTQIA+ members on another, and two White Hispanic players represented.Footnote67 The lowest number of Black players featured on a roster was five, with the fewest number of gay players equalling two, while several rosters included no White Hispanic individuals. With such small numbers, it is clear and obvious how traditionally underrepresented or minoritized groups were not featured as often as their counterparts. This, however, does not let U.S. Soccer off the hook, as many of the Black, White Hispanic, or gay players listed on the rosters were never pictured on any of the images. Representation could also increase with more visibility. Society – and sport – has seen the impact both Venus and Serena Williams has had on the influx of players of colour on tennis, as various young stars, as well as droves of fans credit the sisters with getting them interested in the sport.Footnote68 These could be duplicated in soccer with the USWNT, as Dunn has already expressed interest in being that person for young girls of colour interested in soccer.

Conclusion

The players that are chosen for USWNT promotional graphics to announce a match, the day before a match, and the day of the match have wide-ranging implications regarding who is entitled to ‘represent’ the team online, gain exposure, as well as who is deemed more marketable or promotable. These choices are significant and indicative of larger patterns in how the team is represented through the @USWNT Twitter and Instagram accounts, while the data more broadly is supported by historical depictions of female athletes, including the U.S. Soccer Team. It is not a leap to argue that more appearances on the official USWNT social media accounts could lead to more opportunities for the athletes, including endorsement deals and additional sponsorships, increased marketing chances, a boost in jersey sales, and/or a growth in name, as well as facial recognition. These are no small items for athletes, especially those in professional women’s soccer, as the window to compete for the USWNT is considered a brief one.

What the data does tell us unequivocally is that the White/Non-Hispanic, heterosexual players on the USWNT are still more likely to be featured in match or game announcements, match or game previews, and match day or game day photos. Dunn, Smith, and Rapinoe being three of the most frequently featured athletes may indicate progress in the representation of Black and LGBTQIA+ athletes or it may only demonstrate a willingness to promote solely those individuals, as opposed to the historically marginalized groups they are a part of. The emergence of alternative Black or LGBTQIA+ players in these types of materials is something to watch for, as is increased representation for an abundance of identities. The first place where such an improvement can begin is with the roster itself.

There are many avenues of additional areas of inquiry for the research, including a potential comparison of the representation in the same images during non-Olympic or World Cup years, as well as examining the images used during an Olympic year with that of a World Cup year. Further, analysing differences in years prior to the data from 2021 May be useful to detect patterns in social media, as it may then be applied in contrast to future seasons. It may also be beneficial to take a more in-depth look at how marginalized identities are featured on the social media platforms of the USWNT broadly, including how players of colour and openly queer athletes are highlighted, if at all. Studying how the diversity of images may correlate to the youth of the roster may also be an interesting approach, as many of the younger players on the team are athletes of colour. Lastly, other types of promotional materials could be examined to observe consistencies or discrepancies in how the team and its players are depicted.

The USWNT is a powerful entity both within society and sport, accompanied by high expectations and immense visibility. As the squad has existed and excelled for over 30 years, it is critical to look at the ways heterosexism and Whiteness have defined the roster and the manner through which that roster has been promoted, marketed, and elevated. Dunn believes she has ‘earned the right to be posterized’Footnote69 - it’s worth looking at why that hasn’t happened yet. It’s also worth looking at whether Sophia Smith or Trinity Rodman will ever have that chance, too.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1. Glass, ‘What’s Soccer Pro Crystal Dunn’s Next Chapter?’; Graham, ‘As a black woman’.

2. Ayala, ‘A more diverse UWSNT’; Carpenter, ‘It’s only working for the white kids’ Griffin, ‘Black Women Are Balling Out’; Hurd, ‘More black women’; Murray, ‘Champions already’; Thompson, ‘Please don’t shrink’.

3. Bushnell, ‘The privilege of play’; Griffin, ‘Black Women Are Balling Out’; Hurd, ‘More black women’; Murray, ‘Champions already’; Murray, ‘U.S. Soccer’; Thompson, ‘Please don’t shrink’.

4. Allison, Kicking Center, 29–30, 139; Ayala, ‘A more diverse UWSNT’; Cash, ‘The USWNT is facing accusations of whitewashing’; Yang, ‘Pay-to-play’; Van Epps, ‘Soccer in the U.S’.

5. Ayala, ‘A more diverse UWSNT’; Glass, ‘What’s Soccer Pro Crystal Dunn’s Next Chapter?’; Van Epps, ‘Soccer in the U.S’.

6. Van Epps, ‘Soccer in the U.S’.

7. See note 1 above.

8. Narcotta-Welp, ‘A Black Fly in White Milk’, 384; and Shugart, ‘She Shoots, She Scores’, 22.

9. Anthony DiCicco [@DiCiccoMethod]. Twitter, Feb. 21, 2021.

10. Brockes, ‘Megan Rapinoe’; Kroh, ‘Out of the Closet’; McCauley, ‘USWNT’s open queerness’; Molloy, ‘Go gays’; Yang, ‘From the closet to the spotlight’.

11. Villarreal, ’40 out’.

12. Ayala, ‘A more diverse UWSNT’; Griffin, ‘Black Women Are Balling Out’; Hurd, ‘More black women’; Murray, ‘Champions already’; Narcotta-Welp, ‘A Black Fly in White Milk’, 384–389; Shugart, ‘She Shoots, She Scores’, 22; Thompson, ‘Please don’t shrink’; Yang, ‘From the closet to the spotlight’.

13. Ayala, ‘A more diverse UWSNT’; Griffin, ‘Black Women Are Balling Out’; Hurd, ‘More black women’; Murray, ‘Champions already’; Narcotta-Welp, ‘A Black Fly in White Milk’, 384–389; Shugart, ‘She Shoots, She Scores’, 22; Thompson, ‘Please don’t shrink’.

14. Playing While White, 160–161.

15. Ibid., 163.

16. Kicking Center, 31.

17. Ibid., 29.

18. Ayala, ‘A more diverse UWSNT’; Bushnell, ‘The privilege of play’; Carpenter, ‘It’s only working’; Cash, ‘The USWNT is facing accusations of whitewashing’; Murray, ‘U.S. Soccer’; Yang, ‘Pay-to-play’; Van Epps, ‘Soccer in the U.S’.

19. Bushnell, ‘The privilege of play’; Linehan, ‘Fare report’.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid.

22. Gutowitz, ‘Queer Women’’; Warren, ‘Pia Sundhage’.

23. Boehm, ‘Jesse Marsch’; Warren, ‘Pia Sundhage’.

24. Anderson & Bullingham, ‘Openly lesbian team sport athletes’, 650; and Bullingham & Postlethwaite, ‘Lesbian Athletes in the Sports Media’, 64, 67; and Cassidy, Sports Journalism, 13, 28; and Loke, ‘The Darling’, 145, 147; and Waldron, ‘It’s complicated’, 338.

25. Duncan & Messner, ‘The media image of sport and gender’, 170; and Waldron, ‘It’s complicated’, 337.

26. ‘Mannishness, lesbianism, and homophobia’, 343; and Duncan, ‘Sports photographs and sexual difference’, 24–25; and Griffin, Strong Women, Deep Closets, 14; and Griffin, ‘Changing the game’, 206; and Waldron, ‘It’s complicated’, 337–338.

27. Fink, ‘Marketing of female athletes’, 52–54.

28. Allison, Kicking Center, 79.

29. Ibid., 88, 121.

30. Ibid., 134.

31. Serving Equality, 140.

32. See note 24 above.

33. Murray, ‘Champions already’.

34. Shugart, ‘She Shoots’, 6–7.

35. U.S. Soccer, ‘Historic Ticker-Tape’.

36. Murray, ‘Champions already’; Wahl, ‘Inspiration’.

37. Christopherson, Janning, & McConnell, ‘Two Kicks Forward’, 171, 178, 183; and Shugart, She Shoots’, 4–5.

38. Bell and Coche, ‘High Power Kick’, 750–751, 755.

39. Pegoraro, Comeau, & Frederick, ‘#SheBelieves’, 1064, 1072–1073.

40. Sauder and Blaszka, ‘23 Players, 23 Voices’, 178.

41. Cooky et al, ‘One and Done’, 361; and Frederick, Pegoraro, & Schmidt, ‘I’m not going’, 1220, 1223.

42. Toffoletti, Pegoraro, & Comeau, ‘Self-Representations of Women’s Sport Fandom’, 2, 4.

43. Shugart, She Shoots’, 7–14.

44. Clavio and Eagleman, ‘Gender and Sexually Suggestive Images’, 296; and Duncan, ‘Sports photographs and sexual difference’, 26; and Fink & Kensicki, An Imperceptible Difference, 319; and Fink, ‘Marketing of female athletes’, 50, 52; and Hardin, Chance, Dodd, & Hardin, ‘Olympic Photo Coverage’, 66–67; and Jones, ‘The Representation of Female Athletes’, 114, 119–123; and Jones, ‘Online Coverage of the 2008 Olympic Games’, 245; and Kane et al., ‘Elite Female Athletes’ Interpretations’, 273–275.

45. Duncan, ‘Sports photographs and sexual difference’, 26; and Geurin-Eagleman & Burch, ‘Communicating via photographs’, 138–141; and Hardin, Chance, Dodd, & Hardin, ‘Olympic Photo Coverage’, 68–73; and Jones, ‘The Representation of Female Athletes’, 114, 119–123; and Jones, ‘Online Coverage of the 2008 Olympic Games’, 248, 257–258.

46. Pegorano, Comeau, & Frederick, ‘#SheBelieves’, 1064; and Wolter, ‘Photographs and articles on espnW’, 176–179.

47. Clavio & Eagleman, ‘Gender and Sexually Suggestive Images’, 298, 301–302.

48. Chawansky, ‘Be who you are and be proud’, 772.

49. Pegorano, Comeau, & Frederick, ‘#SheBelieves’, 1064; and Wolter, ‘Photographs and articles on espnW’, 176–179.

50. Toffoletti, Pegorano, & Comeau, ‘Self-Representations of Women’s Sport Fandom’, 10–16.

51. Smith & Sanderson, ‘I’m going to Instagram it!’, 343, 345.

52. Romney & Johnson, ‘Ball game is for the boys’, 747.

53. Johnson, Romney, Hull, & Pegoraro, ‘Shared space’, 22–23.

54. Hull & Kim, ‘Corporate Responsibility’, 3.

55. Coche, ‘What women’s soccer fans want’, Coche, ‘Promoting women’s soccer’, 90–91; 449–450; Murray, ‘Champions already’; Sauder and Blaszka, ‘23 Players, 23 Voices’, 182–183; Wahl, ‘Inspiration’.

56. Gutowitz, ‘Queer Women’.

57. See note 24 above.

58. Allison, Kicking Center, 139.

59. Van Epps, ‘Soccer in the U.S’.

60. Hruby, ‘USWNT alternates’.

61. Beck, ‘USA Women’s Soccer Roster’; U.S. Soccer, ‘Vlatko Andonovski names’.

62. Brockes, ‘Megan Rapinoe’; Kroh, ‘Out of the Closet’; McCauley, ‘USWNT’s open queerness’; Molloy, ‘Go gays’; Yang, ‘From the closet to the spotlight’.

63. Villarreal, ’40 out’.

64. Macario, ‘My American Dream’.

65. Jackson, ‘Carson Pickett’.

66. Kish, ‘The Lesbian Internet’.

67. U.S. Soccer, ‘2022 USWNT Lineups’; U.S. Soccer, ‘2021 USWNT Lineups’.

68. Lawrence Corbett, ‘Why Serena Williams’; Wertheim, ‘Serena Williams Changed Sports’.

69. See note 1 above.

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