Bridges, bargains and brides: an empirical study on chiefly political endorsements in Ghana’s 2016 presidential election

ABSTRACT

Political endorsements are becoming common in African elections. Endorsements by chiefs in Ghana's 2016 presidential election re-ignited debates on chiefs' involvement in partisan politics. But, (how) did the outcome of the election reflect chiefly endorsements? This article examines the relationship between chiefly political endorsements and election outcome. Data is extracted from online archives of select media outlets and Ghana's Electoral Commission; the analysis is framed in the duality of the postcolonial (African) state. Findings show a complex relationship across levels. The article argues that chiefly political endorsement is unnecessary and undercuts royal agency in community and national development.

KEYWORDS:

• Chiefs
• indigenous administration
• political endorsement
• democratic elections
• postcolonial
• Ghana

Acknowledgement

I wish to thank the editorial board for the immense help and anonymous reviewers for the insightful and encouraging comments. Also, to Liseli Fitzpatrick (Wellesley College); Felix Kumah-Abiwu (Kent State University), Samuel Barkin, Stacy VanDeveer, and Rita Kiki Edozie (UMass Boston), Steven Deets, James Hoopes, and 2019 Faculty Research Symposium (Babson College); and the individuals who provided me (directly and indirectly) with information on chieftaincy in Ghana, I am very grateful.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1 For instance, individual chiefs and the National House of Chiefs have been instrumental in addressing recent secessionist threats among some communities along Ghana’s eastern border.

2 In most cases, both chief (male) and queenmother (female) exist, but perform unique functions in administering the community. Generally, queenmothers have had minimal prominence in the governance architecture and process of the Republic. The House of Chiefs (Regional and National) have always been all-male. It is the view of this author that including queenmothers (more) in The House of Chiefs or perhaps, establishing a separate House of Queenmothers would better engender the contribution, image and relevance, as well as enhance indigenous administration in the postcolonial state – a subject currently being studied from interviews with various governance stakeholders.

3 The ranking takes after the Akan administrative system. “Asantehene” means, King of the Asante. Appellations for a chief among the Asante (and larger Akan ethnic group, which comprises Agona, Akwamu, Akwapim, Akyem, Asante, Bono, Fanti, Kwawu, Wassa) commonly include, Hene or Ohene and Nana. The equivalent is different in other communities: Yaa Na for Dagomba; Togbe for Ewe; Nii or Nene for Ga; Pε (or Pio) for Kasena; Kuoro for Sissala; and Naa, Naba, Nab for various groups in the northern half of Ghana (See: https://nhoc.gov.gh/leadership). Also, “Adikrofo” (plural for Odikro) is unique to Akan communities and refers to chiefs of small towns and villages (See: Agyemang & Ofosu-Mensah, 2013, p. 182; Tweneboah, 2012, p. 59). Although a hierarchy may exist in other communities, the same appellation often applies to all chiefs: hierarchy is however acknowledged and observed with accompanying protocols.

4 See https://dictionary.cambridge.org/us/dictionary/english/endorsement

5 Note that in contemporary times, chiefs often address gatherings directly on public address systems. Besides, some chiefs use “spokespersons” or “communication officers,” trained in communication or other relevant disciplines. Whether, in such instances, the indigenous institution of the linguist exists alongside, or it is that thus “modernised” is unclear: but, the trend certainly impacts relevance of the indigenous institution.

6 Ghana now has sixteen regions but these ten regions existed in 2016, the year on which the study is based.