Introduction: Researching political parties at the grassroots in India

ABSTRACT

Political parties perform important functions in Indian politics. They are significant as parties in government and as organisations. Parties take diverse forms organisationally and their presence in the electorate varies significantly. There is a strong tradition of studying political parties in India, yet studies that produce data on the internal life of political parties are relatively unusual. Studying parties at the grassroots helps to fill this gap and produces valuable primary data which are difficult to access. Observing the local and everyday work of political parties produces insights into political recruitment, the persistence of social hierarchies, the reproduction of party elites and the use of material appeals.

KEYWORDS:

• Gender
• ethnography
• patronage
• political recruitment

Political parties are fundamental to the organisation of politics in India and have been subject to numerous studies, several of which have been published in this journal (Chiriyankandath, 2014). Since 2014 attention has been drawn to polarisation in Indian politics (Adeney, 2021; Neyazi, 2020). However, over a longer period, Indian political parties ‘have assisted in the consolidation and expansion of democracy, popularized the notions of equality, social justice and freedom and opened doors for inclusion, voice and empowerment of the weaker sections of society’ (Suri et al., 2016, p. 2). Representing the interests and concerns of voters continues to be a staple obligation of parties (Gorringe, 2019). Parties draw interest because they seek office and, if they are electorally successful, administer government (Kailash, 2022; Manor, 2010; Tawa Lama-Rewal, 2020). Parties recruit legislators and government officeholders (Farooqui & Sridharan, 2014; Spary, 2014, 2020; Verniers & Jaffrelot, 2020). Parties collectively have an impact on party systems, changing the nature of competition (Chhibber & Verma, 2018). The number of parties and their relative weight in a party system evolves. The trend in India has been towards party proliferation (Wyatt, 2019). The electoral success of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and the loss of parliamentary seats by Congress since 2014 has opened up a discussion of party system change (Ziegfeld, 2020). The ability of the BJP, and its affiliates, to change the terms of ideological contestation has been interrogated (Palshikar, 2019). The relationships between parties and voters, a theme discussed in this special section, are vital and dynamic aspects of India’s party systems (Heath, 2020). Parties generate dynamism as they seek to reach voters with innovative emotional and material appeals (Kumar, 2022, p. 341; Maiorano, 2019, pp. 179–180).

Parties are frequently studied from the top down, which is inevitable given the consequential outcomes of national- and state-level elections. However, a great deal can be learnt from studying parties at the local level. Ethnographic research reveals patterns in everyday politics that may well get overlooked by national- or elite-centred studies (Kumar, 2014; Piliavsky, 2014; Spencer, 2007). Research, among party activists and voters, produces valuable primary data which are difficult to access. Extended conversations with activists and lower-level leaders often produce candid insights and reveal unvarnished opinions that elite interviewees are less likely to articulate. This grassroots perspective on the work of political parties is shared by the authors who have contributed to this special section. Two articles concentrate on the inner workings of the parties themselves (Raychaudhury, 2023; Singh, 2023). The third article focuses on the outward-facing work of a party seeking to build and maintain its support (Sunilraj, 2023). The selection of the parties was made by the authors themselves and the in-depth nature of the case studies means they do not represent the breadth of party politics in India. However, the studies, which concentrate on the state unit of the BJP and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) in Kerala and West Bengal, highlight how more rigorously organised parties function in India.

Persistent and extended field research allows researchers to appreciate the culture and norms that animate the party as an institution. Proma Raychaudhury’s contribution demonstrates how formal rules and informal processes constitute the institutions of the CPI(M) in West Bengal. The rules, history and revolutionary ethos of the CPI(M) underpin the strong norms of the party. Unstinting service and acquiescence to the will of the party hierarchy build discipline in the organisation. This discipline has gendered consequences as several female leaders have been subject to seemingly arbitrary dictates from the party, which have curtailed their careers. More generally, the activities of women in the party are influenced by an ‘idealised revolutionary communist subjectivity’ that identifies appropriate behaviour by members. What constitutes seemly conduct is often filtered by gendered expectations. A ‘defeminised subjectivity’ has become accepted within the party whereby women are expected to suppress emotion and continue party work without regard to their family circumstances. Being a party member is not to be taken lightly, and it is characterised as sangharsh/sangram or struggle with several dimensions. Attempts at societal transformation will be resisted, and electoral opponents will attempt to thwart the work of party cadres, most obviously the All-India Trinamool Congress (Ray Chaudhury, 2022). In the midst of this party members struggle to transform themselves, to become dedicated and upright members and agents of change. Women members speak of a further struggle to overcome obstacles, such as family commitments and personal ego, that block their personal development as communists. The attribute of selflessness and sacrifice makes it easier to overlook the work of women in the party. The party acknowledges gendered barriers to political participation, but the party leadership does not properly recognise that its institutional culture is burdensome for women. Nevertheless, Raychaudhury reports women in the CPI(M) still have a strong sense of institutional belonging that encourages them to remain active in the party.

Getting inside the party using observations, informal discussions, chance meetings and open-ended interviews give deeper insight into sensitive or complicated topics such as political recruitment and career paths in the party. Rashmi Singh’s contribution provides insight into the ambitions of members of the Delhi state unit of the BJP. Delhi’s Municipal Corporation (MCD) is a difficult place to build a career. Half of the wards are reserved for women and Scheduled Caste candidates. However, the reserved wards are rotated with regular frequency meaning a sitting candidate may well lose their eligibility to contest when their ward is redesignated. A councillor is a useful figure for those seeking favourable treatment by the MCD, and so it can be a lucrative post that is highly sought after by those seeking an entrepreneurial dimension to their career. Thus, incumbency is difficult to sustain without resources and influential supporters. The preparations for the 2017 elections to the MCD were observed closely to gain insight into the difficult task of securing party support for nomination to contest elections. Once again party members encounter a hierarchy which expects loyalty and hard work at the grassroots. The party is well-organised and different responsibilities rest at separate layers of the party. An additional element of complexity is the intertwining of the party with other Hindu nationalist organisations (see also Chidambaram, 2021). As others have noted, BJP cadres are subject to close supervision and held accountable (Mehta, 2022, p. 182). Yet, when it comes to nominations, the party hierarchy is less scrutable and maintains ambiguity in selections. Nominations are passed up the party hierarchy but remaining inside the internal contest for a nomination is difficult. Informal lobbying and, in some cases, even payments are thought necessary to appear competitive in the process. Candidates, who are women and/or from lower caste backgrounds, find it much more difficult to negotiate their way through such intense and biased lobbying. The committees are supposed to be organised in such a way to prevent this, but established leaders, who are usually male and upper caste, exert the most influence in the selection process. Contrary to claims that the BJP is becoming a less elitist party (Mehta, 2022, p. 24), Singh concludes the Delhi unit of the party has not engaged in a serious effort to change the social profile of its elected representatives. The notion that the BJP is a party ‘with a difference’ that breaks with established ways of doing politics is not supported by this case study. Social inequalities are reproduced by the party and unequal access to resources helps sustain a political career. The findings reported here reveal a party that is organisationally robust but institutionally uneven.

Close interaction with local party members reveals the everyday assumptions and standard ways of working that enable a party to become embedded in society. Balu Sunilraj’s contribution analyses how parties build sustained support at the grassroots. He provides important insights on the topics of partisanship, clientelism and party density. His case study of the CPI(M) in North Kannur, in Kerala, profiles a panchayat where the party is strong. Many voters are ideologically close to the party while not being officially associated with it. Party membership is closely regulated so that only committed individuals are permitted to join. Party discipline, very much as Raychaudhury (2023) observes, is maintained and members make personal sacrifices as they work for the party. Another point of commonality is that gender conditions the ethos of the party, in this case, a sense of male solidarity or ‘brotherhood’ evident among the respondents. The work of party members is important in developing partisanship. For example, voters who were interviewed explained that their closeness to the party was encouraged by the high regard in which they hold local leaders. Personal links have been established with voters such that mutuality and reciprocity come into play. The use of material appeals is prevalent with the local party helping some voters access state resources; however, the author argues that these cannot be understood in simple transactional terms. The strong personal links with voters mean that party members cannot elevate themselves as patrons or create a sense of dependence. The case study reveals a party that is strong on the basis of qualitative research and overwhelming election outcomes in favour of the CPI(M). The clear stance of the CPI(M) on party membership, and its organisational structure, makes identifying party density possible, with close to three per cent of the panchayat being members of the party.

Taken together, the three articles in this special section show how political parties function as institutions. They channel and sometimes repress the ambitions of their members. Even as they do this, the parties profiled here remain reliant on the agency and work of their grassroots members. The local life of parties may seem distant from national politics, but the connections are there. The gendered assumptions that structure party institutions, and limit the rise of women, contribute to the high proportion of male politicians present in national politics. The advantages evident in the social profiles of party elites are revealed in the routine processes that constitute party institutions.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).