Abstract
As the proportion of the gross domestic product of Southeast Asian countries accounted for by agriculture continues its long-term decline, it is natural in studying regional migration flows to emphasize the ways people are moving away from farming. Across the region, however, millions of people continue to migrate both within and across international borders to take part in agricultural production. Many of them are moving to grow “boom crops” like cocoa, coffee, oil palm, rubber, and shrimp, all of which have seen rapid expansion over the last two decades. In this article, the author provides a comparative survey of the links between crop booms and migration in Southeast Asia, arguing that this migration has taken three main forms: relatively autonomous and “spontaneous” migration by households or individuals looking to set up as boom crop–growing smallholders; a “transmigration” model in which parastatal agencies or private corporations with state support help migrants to relocate so that they can take part in organized farming schemes with at least some smallholder component; and migration for the purpose of working as waged laborers for plantations or richer smallholders growing boom crops. The importance of these types of migration has varied across crops. In the conclusion, the author makes several points about the politics of migration and crop booms.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
An earlier version of this article was presented to the ChATSEA Workshop on Migration and Rural Change in Southeast Asia at the University of Toronto on 30 April and 1 May 2009. I am grateful to the workshop participants (especially Keith Barney and Stan Tan) and to Rodolphe De Koninck, Philip Kelly, and Lesley Potter for their comments. All errors are my own.
Notes
5. For more on this definition and on the relationship between “crop booms” and “boom crops,” see Hall et al. Citation2011, 87–89.
8. On shrimp, see Tokrisna Citation2004, 158 for Thailand, and personal communication, Reiko Omoto, October 2009, for Vietnam; on coffee in Vietnam, see Winkels Citation2008; Trung Citation2003, 79.
23. Tan Citation2000, 52. See also Ruf and Yoddang Citation2001, 106, 132, on the same dynamic for cocoa. On migrant coffee production on forest-zoned land that the State Forest Enterprises ostensibly held but were in practice not able to control, see Asian Development Bank and ActionAid Vietnam Citation2003, 53.
24. For a broad discussion of informal land sales to migrants in Southeast Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa, with specific focus on oil palm development in Papua New Guinea, see Koczberski et al. Citation2009.
39. For examples of the fourth, see Colchester et al. Citation2006, 73–93 and 110-124; Dennis and Colfer Citation2006, 41.
42. In Sarawak, some attempts were made by the Sarawak Land Development Board to apply a Felda-type approach to resettlement for oil palm production in the 1970s and 1980s, but little came of these. McCarthy and Cramb Citation2009, 118.
51. Page references in this paragraph are to Ruf et al. Citation2001.
64. Ibid., 120–22, 125–26.
78. See Zhang et al. 2006.
88. Cramb Citation2007, 365. The “Highland” reference is to Scotland, not Vietnam.
93. See Flaherty and Vandergeest 1998.
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