ABSTRACT
Exceptionalism as a framing discourse reveals socio-historical insights on postcolonialism and postnationalism, providing fertile ground for articulating and investigating the multiplicities and historical vicissitudes constituting Filipina feminist articulations of social identities and engagements with multi-scalar politics. Historical and contemporary Philippine/Filipino exceptionalism claims have inspired and galvanized transnational feminist spaces, processes, and practices, creating ideoloscapes (ideologies and discourses) and practiscapes (actions). Using framing theory to compare exceptionalisms’ discursive practices and their entanglements with feminisms, this paper analyzes episodic historical accounts, documents, and interviews with feminist leaders to demonstrate how Filipina feminists mobilize exceptionalisms as reference frames in different logics, spaces, and political opportunities. It examines three framing episodes of Filipina feminist politics – suffragist frames during the American colonial period, nationalist feminists’ frames from the Marcos to the Duterte presidencies, and transnationalist (state) feminists’ frames within multi-scalar spaces and the context of imperial and other exceptionalism variants. These episodic framing practices demonstrate the formation and reproduction of dominant feminist politics and publics that have yet to acknowledge their shared traumatic histories and fully decolonize their narratives and engagements.
Acknowledgements
I thank the editors and two anonymous reviewers for their feedback and suggestions. Thanks for data and inspiration from Aida Santos-Maranan, Aurora Javate de Dios, Lalaine Sadiwa, Maureen Pagaduan, Flor Caagusan, Carol Sobritchea, Princess Nemenzo, Tezza Parel, Sandra Torrijos, Mercy Fabros, Carol Anoñuevo, Dazzle Rivera, Fe Mangahas, Celia Carlos, Tala Contreras, Marjorie Evasco, Cathy Clarin, Dinky Soliman, Jurgette Honculada, Remy Rikken, Eleanor Flores, and many other KALAYAAN and BISIG friends, particularly those who left us early – Raquel Edralin Tiglao, Josefa Francisco, Susan Fernandez Magno, Reena Marcelo, Adul de Leon, and Karina Constantino David. I also thank Emmeline Verzosa, Elizabeth Eviota, and Dorothy Lele for sharing DIWATA and NCRFW materials; Antoinette Raquiza, Dulce Natividad, Rowena Alvarez for insights on young feminists; as well as Sr Mary John Mananzan, the late Maita Gomez and fellow founding teachers at the Institute for Women’s Studies at St Scholastica’s College.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes on contributor
Leonora C. Angeles is Associate Professor at the University of British Columbia, cross-appointed at the School of Community and Regional Planning and Institute for Gender, Race, Sexuality and Social Justice.
Notes
4 Although diverse Filipino, Filipina, and Filipinx bodies and subjectivities identify with feminism, I explore in this paper the diaspora and focus mainly on Filipinas or Filipino women in the Philippines who identify as cisgender or lesbian.
18 According to Al McCoy, the U.S. was exceptional in gathering “serviceable information.” He has argued that, “European imperialists thus emphasized deep cultural knowledge for the manipulation of subject societies from within, American colonials amassed contemporary data for control from without.” McCoy Citation2012, 366.
21 Bankoff and Weekley Citation2002, 6, original and supplied emphases.
22 Of the 69,000 foreign-born active duty members of the U.S. military in 2012 (five percent of all active duty members), approximately 17,000 were Filipino. See Lee Citation2012, 1, 26–27.
27 The joke that the Philippines used to located in Latin America, but by some continental shift had drifted to the Pacific Ocean, morphed into dubious fact two decades later. A 2014 “Level: Asia” YouTube video clip entitled, “Are Filipinos Asians or Pacific Islanders?” drew attention to Filipino-Americans who strategically deployed these identities when faced with negative and positive stereotypes associated with each term.
37 This was the first Filipino nationalist movement, formed in 1872 by expatriate elite Filipino male students, including Jose Rizal, Marcelo H. Del Pilar, Graciano Lopez Jaena, and Juan Luna, who called themselves ilustrados (enlightened ones) to advocate for social reforms, including the representation of the Philippines in the Spanish Cortes.
44 For a similar analysis of American white masculinity in the construction of women’s liberation during the American occupation of Japan, see Yoneyama Citation2005.
47 See Woman’s Journal 22 February 1902, 64; Woman’s Tribune, April 12, 1902 56; cited in Holt Citation2002, 79 and endnote 39, 169.
53 “Frame bridging refers to the linking of two or more ideologically congruent but structurally unconnected frames regarding a particular issue or problem.” Benford and Snow Citation2000, 624.
54 Katipunan (Kataastaasang Kagalang-galang na Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan, “Supreme Worshipful Association of the Sons of the People”), was a Filipino nationalist organization founded in 1892 to oppose Spanish rule.
57 Still, some of their memoirs contained impressions of gender-based conservatism, particularly among mothers who blamed Katipuneros and the war for causing them more hardship. See Alvarez Citation1992.
61 See Garcia Citation2013; Coloma Citation2013. The University of the Philippines’ first gay students group, UP Babaylan, was founded in 1992. Some Filipinx feminist de-colonial anti-racist movements within the Fil-Am and Fil-Can youth and academic members of the diaspora also draw extensively from the babaylan figure in multiple strategic ways, without acknowledging their own potential exoticization and misappropriation of indigenous and shamanic identities in their own narratives and practices abroad. There is a growing babaylan-inspired community across major cities in the U.S. and Canada and an international babaylan conference is now regularly held, organized by the Center for Babaylan Studies. See Strobel Citation2017.
66 This is attributed to George Malcolm, the first Law Dean at the University of the Philippines. See Peczon Fernandez Citation1996, 123. Note the parallelism with current Vice-President Leni Robredo’s quote-turned-meme during the 2016 elections: “the last man standing is a woman.”
69 On how the NGOization of feminism profoundly changed feminist activists’ context and conditions, see Lang Citation1997.
73 MAKIBAKA Gazette Citationn.d., n.p., available at Filipiniana Section, University of the Philippines Main Library.
78 Interviews with Aida Santos-Maranan (KALAYAAN) and Sr. Mary John Mananzan, GABRIELA Chairperson, July 2015. Mananzan, Santos, Girlie Villariba (CWR), Petite Peredo (SAMAKANA), Techie Capellan (PILIPINA), Tingting Cojuangco (AWARE), and Maita Gomez (WOMB), among others, formed GABRIELA’s organizing committee.
79 GABRIELA Primer on Women’s Convention on “The Significance of Women’s Social and Political Action in the Present National Crisis,” September 15, 1984.
80 On GABRIELA’s nascent intersectionality, see Center for Women’s Resources Citation1987.
81 For the former, see Angeles Citation1989, 289–290. Left rectification debates, sparked by an internal paper seeking organizational consolidation around Marxist-Leninist-Maoist orthodoxy, challenged the leadership of Jose Maria Sison and other CPP officials based in Utrecht, Holland. See Rocamora, Citation1994.
82 Interview with Sister Mary John Mananzan, St. Scholastica’s College, July 2015.
83 Founders Remy Rikken served as NCRFW Executive Director from 1986 until 1998. Teresita Quintos-Deles became a Women’s Representative to Congress and National Anti-Poverty Commissioner.
84 PILIPINA, Second National Assembly’s Basic Principles of Unity, June 1983.
85 PILIPINA initiated organizations include the Asian Women’s Research and Action Network (AWRAN), BUNSO, a national coalition for breastfeeding and childcare, and ANAK, a coalition for alternative day care. KALAYAN initiated groups include the Women’s Crises Center (WCC), WomanHealth, Women’s Empowerment, Development, Productivity, and Research Organization (WEDPRO), Women’s Resource and Research Centre (WRRC), the Women’s and Gender Institute (WAGI) of Miriam College, the Development Action Women’s Network (DAWN-Asia), Concerned Artists of the Philippines (CAP-Women), Reproductive Rights and Resources Group (3RG), the Women and Development Program at the University of the Philippines, and the Women’s Studies Association of the Philippines.
86 Angeles Citation1989, 290. During the 1990s KALAYAAN’s Feminist School trained young activists working in various NGOs and social movements, and inspired the formation of a lesbian feminist group, Can’t Live in the Closet (CLIC).
87 Chastising female guerrillas for abandoning their children and families to join the communist movement, Duterte declared in Visayan: “We will just shoot your [genitals], so that if there are no more [genitals], you would be useless.” See Regencia Citation2018.
91 RESBAK, an artist collective that is critical of Duterte’s anti-drug war extrajudicial killings, has used KALAYAAN co-founder Aida Santos’s poems in their productions. Feminist visual artists Nikki Luna and Kiri Dalena, daughter of KALAYAAN’s Julie Lluch Dalena, are among young feminist artists who work collaboratively with artists in the Filipino diaspora in the U.S., Canada, and Australia. See Pertierra Citation2017.
93 Fabros, Patugalan, Arches, and Guia-Padilla Citation1998.
94 Interviews with young feminists from the University of the Philippines who prefer anonymity.
95 This last phrase suggests intra-Asian ethno-racial hierarchies circulating within the diaspora, familiar with Filipino employment as domestic helpers and factory workers.
105 This younger feminist generation is under-researched and deserves more attention, along with the increased visibility and political engagements of binary and non-binary trans activists in the Philippines, especially after Jennifer Laude’s 2014 murder by an American Marine in Olongapo City. As one paper mentioned,
younger women and the youth in general have not been touched by many of the issues that organized groups and the social movements have been articulating and protesting against, even dying for in some instances. Perhaps, the participants said, the younger generation has their own ways of reckoning with the socio-political issues. Let’s not give up on them, one said. Cited in Santos-Maranan, Parreno, and Fabros Citation2007, 12.
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Funding
This work was supported by the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada under Grant 410-2011–2705.
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6166-3751
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