ABSTRACT
This article traces a multi-generation history of Kunga Tsomo’s family, from the early 1900s when her grandmother migrated to Pemakö in the eastern Himalaya until the twenty-first century. Grandmother’s journey to Pemakö was part of a larger Vajrayana Buddhist migration to “hidden lands” in the southern Himalaya. This movement is most often framed as a religious event, but also involved the dispossession of Indigenous peoples, including the Adi of southern Pemakö. After coming to a negotiated settlement over land, the newly arrived Vajrayana Buddhists and Adi lived in neighboring villages within different ontologies. But soon after this settlement, a series of external states and institutions colonized Pemakö. The British and Qing Empires sent military expeditions in the 1910s. In the 1930s, the Tibetans annexed the territory. In the 1950s, it was bifurcated by the Sino-Indian border dispute. In the twenty-first century, it has become a site of a contest between international conservation campaigns and Chinese and Indian hydropower extraction. Despite the transformative effects of these external powers, this is not a story of cultural erasure. The article shows how the family’s commitment to Pemakö, its land and its multiple cultures has helped them survive and thrive.
Acknowledgements
The author is grateful to Kunga Tsomo, Dechen Wangmo, and the rest of their family for their help writing this article.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1 The Yangsangchu River is also known as the Nyigong River. Tibetan transliterations in this article accord with the THL simplified Tibetan phonemic transcription system. All translations are my own unless otherwise noted. All bracketed spellings are of Tibetan words unless stated otherwise.
2 Vajrayana Buddhism is the form of Buddhism practiced throughout the Himalayas and Tibet.
8 Tape recordings, handwritten notes, and transcriptions are in possession of the author. These interviews were given in the context of my twenty-year friendship with Kunga Tsomo and her extended family. I was also told many of the family's stories in Pemakö Chen in March, 2017.
20 The family could not agree on what Grandmother's name had been. Their village's naming practices are complex. Everyone has a religious name, and a slightly derogatory nick name. Older people are usually referred to by their relationship to the speaker. When people as respected as Grandmother die, no one wants to use their nickname to refer to them, but they often do not know there religious name.
21 Kunga Tsomo, interview in Dewakoṭa, 2017.
23 Guru Rinpoche or Padmasambhava is a semi-mythical figure. Samuel and Oliphant Citation2020.
25 Rnam rgyal Citation1988, 83–97. Lazcano Citation2005, 41–63. Grothmann Citation2012, 21–52. Tsangla is an Eastern Bhutanese language. Most of these migrants were Rnying ma Buddhists and the Bhutanese state was Bka’ rgyud.
26 Also called gayal or drung oxen, this is a species of domesticated cattle widely found in the Himalayan region.
27 Many of the nineteenth century Dalai Lamas died as children and political control was held by Lhasa's aristocrats and senior monks. Mathes and Coura Citation2021, 1–17.
29 This prejudice is more than evident in the early descriptions of Pemakö. Huber Citation2008, 259–276.
30 Non-Buddhists were called lopa (klo pa); the Tangam, their allies, were “white lopa,” and the Shimong, their enemies, were “black lopa.” See Pad bkod ’chi med rig ’dzin Citation2016, 64–66.
34 Gardner Citation2021, 60–90; Simpson Citation2021, 63. As it turned out, the “riddle of the gorges” outlasted the Qing. It was only solved in 1913 when Bailey and Henry Moreshead (1882–1931) arrived at the bottom of the Yarlung Tsangpo Gorge in Pemakö. See Morshead Citation1914, 14.
36 See Relyea Citation2015, 181–200. For comments about civilizing, see pages 187 and 191.
37 Lewis Citation2012, 1–5. Lewis describes the construction of place in early China. See also Coggins Citation2019. Coggins looks at the relationship between pre-modern feng shui, Tibetan environmental management systems, and the PRC's current ecological civilization campaign.
40 Dechen Wangmo, private communication, March 2017.
45 Early scientific assessments that jhum practices were inherently degrading to ecosystems have been replaced with more nuanced readings of its complicated relationship with local ecosystems and the impact displacement and movement restrictions have had on its use. Kerkhoff and Sharma Citation2006.
48 The Adi maintain an intimate relationship with their ancestors and the fields and forests handed down to them. Unlike Vajrayana Buddhists, they have no proscriptions against hunting but do maintain rules about where and when animals can be hunted (see Janaki, Pandit, and Sharma Citation2021, 13–30). They hunt a wide variety of animals, many of which they sell at markets. Vajrayana Buddhists consume meat, which they usually acquire from non-Buddhists. Killing animals and digging are generally proscribed for Buddhists in sacred sites, and there are some areas, such as Dewakoṭa, where spitting, urinating, and defecating are also prohibited. Since its opening, religious figures and elders have stressed the site's sacrality, and even though their approach to the site is sometimes pragmatic, the social pressure to conform to its norms is intense. There are, furthermore, multiple stories of tigers attacking rule breakers. In addition, many commentators have noted the practice of hunting, particularly of takin, among Vajrayana Buddhists in China. See Schaller Citation2012, 211–237; Mayard Citation2018, 147; Huber Citation2005, 5–17.
50 Khamtrul Rinpoche described his escape through the canyon to Baker Citation2006, 94–95.
51 Personal communications, March 2017.
53 Pad bkod ’chi med rig ’dzin Citation2016, 99–103. Grothmann Citation2012, 37–38. Many of these refugee camps are still there, nearly sixty years and several generations later. Other exiled Tibetans, like Dechen Wangmo's father, married local residents or found land to farm and stayed.
55 See Bérénice Guyot Réchard's exceptional study of this period on the emerging LAC. Guyot Réchard Citation2016.
61 Yeh Citation2013. She describes the processes of collectivization in farms around Lhasa. Similar events are described in Bsod nams bkra shis Citation2011, 102–110.
79 These were announced in the 12th Five-year Plan (2010–2015).
80 14th Five-Year Plan (2021–2025). See Shan and Lin Citation2020.
81 State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China Citation2012.
82 The new Chengdu–Lhasa railway, Sichuan-Tibet Highway, G318, and the large “powershed” from the Yarlung Tsangpo hydroelectrical projects all pass through Nyingtri near Bayi.
84 State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China Citation2012.
86 State Forestry Administration Government Network Citation2016.
87 State Forestry Administration Government Network Citation2016.
99 There are examples of a conservationist approach that is very cognisant and respectful of local ways of knowing. For instance, Janaki, Pandit, and Sharma Citation2021, 13–30.
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Funding
This research was funded by two Australian Research Council grants, a Discovery grant examining Tibet’s rivers and a DECRA fellowship examining the Himalayan cryosphere.
Notes on contributors
Ruth Gamble
Ruth Gamble is a Senior Lecturer and ARC DECRA fellow at La Trobe University, Melbourne, Australia. She is a historian of Tibet and the Himalayas, with a particular interest in this region’s rapidly changing environment.