The Convention on Biological Diversity’s post-2020 Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF) includes targets to formally protect thirty percent of Earth by 2030 and stimulate financialization of biodiversity conservation. This paper foregrounds potential risks and limitations of the GBF in Thailand. It examines the historical context of state-run protected areas, including their role in facilitating state territorialization and dispossession, political and cultural persecution, and deleterious economic agendas. It then shows that implementation in Thailand could displace residents of more than 200 villages and supplant roughly forty percent (3,951 square kilometers) of all state-registered community forest lands, which provide various livelihood, cultural, and conservation benefits. The paper challenges three assumptions: that parties to the Convention will recognize the rights and agency of Indigenous Peoples and local communities; that state-run protected areas are managed for biodiversity conservation and not for economic growth; and that perpetual economic growth and modernization are compatible with conservation. Effective and equitable conservation in Thailand and elsewhere requires more socially and ecologically responsive community rights-based approaches that empower (rather than supersede) customary institutions and transcend unsustainable political-economic imperatives for privatization and perpetual economic growth.
We thank King Mongkut’s University of Technology Thonburi for supporting this research. We also thank one anonymous reviewer and the editor for providing feedback.
21 Agbor Citation2022; AIPP et al. Citation2022; Reyes-García et al. Citation2021. Defining Indigeneity is contentious, particularly in Asia, because the related concept of First Peoples is complicated in many regions by complex ethnic and political histories involving migration, displacement, colonization, and persecution (Erni Citation2008; Laungaramsri Citation2003; Leepreecha Citation2019). Thus, in accordance with the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Affairs, we consider self-determination the basis for identification (Morton and Baird Citation2019). Common characteristics of Indigeneity named by self-identified Indigenous Peoples in Asia include distinct languages, cultures, and customary institutions which are community-oriented and non-centralized; collective identities linked to ancestral territories which predate modern nation-states; strong dependence on, spiritual connection with, and knowledge of, local environments; and a history of colonization, persecution, or other restrictions on self-determination (see Erni Citation2008, 325–327). We regard “local communities” as groups which have locally-based livelihoods and may experience disadvantages in social or economic status (see Kingsbury Citation2008, 140).
34 Today, Indigenous Peoples in Thailand (Chon phao phuen mueang) generally self-identify as native and marginalized peoples (but not necessarily First Peoples) who have been labelled by the Thai government and public as members of “minority groups” (Chon kloom noi), “ethnic groups” (Kloom chattiphan), or “hill tribes” (Chao khao) (Leepreecha Citation2019). In Thailand, the international concept of Indigeneity, and a national Indigenous movement for political recognition, emerged from a global movement during the late twentieth century (Morton and Baird Citation2019). This movement in Thailand differs from prominent movements in the Americas, Australia, and New Zealand in that it emphasizes inclusion and equal rights as citizens more than territorial sovereignty or decolonization (Baird et al. Citation2017; Leepreecha Citation2019; Morton Citation2023). Although the Thai government is a signatory to the 2007 United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, it currently does not recognize the existence of Indigenous Peoples in Thailand, as discussed below.
36 Thailand is a constitutional monarchy and quasi-parliamentary democracy. The government transitioned from a military dictatorship to a semi-elected, military-dominated parliamentary system in 2019. The former prime minister, Prayuth Chan-ocha, is a retired army general who overthrew a democratically elected government in a 2014 coup and then appointed hundreds of unelected officials to the Senate. Following the most recent national election in May 2023, these unelected state senators blocked the winningest party (the opposition Move Forward Party, led by Pita Limjaroenrat) from forming a coalition government.
50 Danaiya Usher Citation2009, 52. The first director of RFD, Herbert Slade, was the former Deputy Conservator of Forests in colonial Burma. After RFD was founded, Slade said that forests in Siam were now the “country’s capital”, and annual forest growth was the “country’s interests”. See Laungaramsri Citation2001, 69; RFD Citation1958, 5.
55 The English term “hill tribes” was borrowed from colonial Burma (McKinnon Citation1989, 307) and was made official in 1959 with the formation of the Hill Tribe Welfare Committee (Laungaramsri Citation2001, 42–43). In Thai state discourse, the term initially referred to nine upland ethnic groups: Akha, Hmong, H’Tin, Iu-Mien, Karen/Pwakanyaw, Khamu, Lahu, Lisu, and Lua/Lawa. A more recent list of “ethnic hill tribes” (Kloom chatiphan Chao khao) also includes Kachin, Dara’ang, Mlabri, and Shan/Tai Yai (Morton and Baird Citation2019).
60 On connections between Thailand’s national park system and state interests in modernization, including national symbolism and security, see Laungaramsri Citation2001, 74–87.
62 Laungaramsri Citation2001, 76. In an advisory report, Ruhle later wrote that “unassimilated non-Thai tribes” threatened Thailand’s national resources and therefore it was “ … essential that these tribes be stabilized as soon as possible; at the same time, retention of their identities and customs should be encouraged.” Quoted in Laungaramsri Citation2001, 184; also see Ruhle Citation1964, 10.
73 Putasen et al. Citation1992; England Citation1998. Ironically, the policy’s profit incentive led some private reforestation companies to clear native forest to plant eucalyptus trees. See Danaiya Usher Citation2009, 25–28.
74 However, following the logging ban, timber imports from Malaysia, Myanmar, and Indonesia increased rapidly, indicating that the ban did little to slow regional deforestation, and instead outsourced the social and ecological costs of logging to neighboring countries (England Citation1998, 61–62). Moreover, mangroves were exempt from the logging ban due to their importance for commercial charcoal and aquaculture industries (Laungaramsri Citation2001, 80).
75 Partial titles include utilization rights but not ownership rights (Hirsch Citation2022, 145).
76 For example, the Land Resettlement Program for the Poor Living in Degraded Forest Reserves (Khor Chor Kor) attempted (but ultimately failed) to resettle nearly one million families away from 15,000 square kilometers of forest reserve lands deemed suitable for eucalyptus plantations (Danaiya Usher Citation2009, 29–32).
79 This included Hmong communities from Thung Yai-Naresuan Wildlife Sanctuary, Hmong and Karen communities from Huai Kha Kheng Wildlife Sanctuary, and several communities from Doi Luang National Park (Eudey Citation1989; Sae Chua Citation2013, 90). The 1985 forest policy also included a watershed classification system that emphasizes preservation of upland headwater zones yet largely neglects land and water uses downstream. See Laungaramsri Citation2000.
85 In 2008, an estimated thirty-eight percent of the “hill tribe” population of approximately one million peoples at the time did not hold Thai citizenship. See Morton and Baird Citation2019.
95 For example, the Thai government has suspended plans to expand Ob Khan National Park near Chiang Mai in response to local protests (IWGIA Citation2024, 291–292).
100 RECOFTC Citation2021. On connections between the community forest movement and the national Indigenous rights movement, see Morton and Baird Citation2019.
105 125,680 square kilometers, including 115,712 square kilometers (22.4 percent of Thailand’s landmass) of currently existing protected areas and 9,968 square kilometers (1.9 percent of Thailand’s landmass) of DNP-planned protected areas.
109 Sites designated under the United Nations Ramsar Convention on Wetlands (See: https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/earth-and-planetary-sciences/ramsar-convention). Notably, in the absence of secure land tenure rights, some communities have used or are currently seeking Ramsar designation to protect community wetland forests from potential appropriation for industrial development (e.g. Cowan Citation2021).
113 Target 3 and Section C.8, CBD Citation2022. The right to free, prior and informed consent (FPIC) is enshrined in the 2007 United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which in part states: “Indigenous peoples shall not be forcibly removed from their lands or territories. No relocation shall take place without the free, prior and informed consent of the indigenous peoples concerned after agreement on just and fair compensation and, where possible, with the option of return” (Article 10). The right to FPIC derives from the right to self-determination, which includes the right of all peoples to “freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development” (Article 1, 1966 International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights). On FPIC and community forestry in Thailand, see RECOFTC Citation2021.
116 We conducted the spatial analysis for this study using program ArcGIS 10.8 (Environmental Systems Research Institute, Redlands, California, USA). We mapped locations of villages using the most current data (2012) available from the Thai Ministry of the Interior. Spatial extents of registered community forest and state forest reserves were provided by the Department of National Parks, Wildlife, and Plant Conservation (DNP) in 2022. We obtained spatial extents of currently existing and DNP-planned protected areas (24.3 percent of Thailand’s total land area) and proposed thirty by thirty area (29.5 percent of Thailand’s total land area) used by Nirunrut Pomoim and colleagues (2022) from the first author of that study. We delineated the extent of the proposed thirty by thirty expansion area (5.2 percent of Thailand’s total land area) by erasing currently existing and DNP-planned protected areas from the proposed thirty by thirty area using the “erase” tool. We then used the “intersect” tool to determine the total area and number of registered community forests that overlap with forest reserve land, currently existing and DNP-planned protected areas, and the proposed thirty by thirty expansion area. We obtained descriptive statistics of community forest patches (shown in a footnote in ) using the “descriptive statistic” function. We then identified villages that overlap with the proposed thirty by thirty expansion area using the “select by location” function. Finally, we delineated the overlap between forest reserve land and the proposed thirty by thirty expansion area using the “intersect” tool.
117 We did not have access to reliable information to estimate sizes of these villages or understand local self-identified ethnicity, which is relevant considering the history of discriminatory state policy and forest governance (see Delcore Citation2007; Sae Chua Citation2013). We expect that each village is home to more than 100 people and we also know that these villages are ethnically diverse.
128 For example, one study found modest levels of bird diversity in a community forest patch in southern Thailand (Round et al. Citation2006). But this patch was only 4.5 hectares, which is less than one-tenth of the average size of community forests in Thailand and exceedingly small when compared to the largest community forests (see ).
135 Immediately before being charged with murdering Porlajee “Billy” Rakchongcharoen, DNP officer Chaiwat Limlikit-aksorn was an undercover agent in the corruption case against DNP’s then-director general. Limlikit-aksorn was then dismissed by DNP, and the murder charges were subsequently dropped due to insufficient evidence. Limlikit-aksorn was convicted of dereliction of duty in connection with the disappearance of Rakchongcharoen and sentenced to three years imprisonment. See Human Rights Watch Citation2022; Ngamkham Citation2023; Petchkaew Citation2023.
148 Laovakul Citation2016; Rappel and Thomas Citation1998. Although landholdings are highly unequal in Thailand, peasant movements and state-imposed constraints have limited large-scale land accumulation and absentee landholding. Consequently, Thai agribusinesses have pursued profits by accumulating land in neighboring countries. This response to domestic constraints on exploitation of lands and natural resources is analogous to what Thai logging companies did following the Thai government’s 1989 commercial logging ban. See Hirsch Citation2022.
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This work was funded by a Postdoctoral Fellowship Grant from King Mongkut’s University of Technology, Thonburi. The authors have no conflicts of interest to declare.
Notes on contributors
Mark R. Herse
Mark R. Herse recently completed a Postdoctoral Fellowship in the Conservation Ecology Program (Pilot Plant Development and Training Institute) at King Mongkut’s University of Technology Thonburi. Previously, he completed his PhD in Ecology at the University of Canterbury, New Zealand. His research interests are in wildlife ecology and management and the politics of environmental conservation.
Naruemon Tantipisanuh
Naruemon Tantipisanuh is an assistant professor and researcher in the Conservation Ecology Program (Pilot Plant Development and Training Institute) at King Mongkut’s University of Technology Thonburi. Her research focuses on ecology of small carnivores (e.g. otters, felids), human-wildlife conflict, and landscape-scale conservation planning and management.
Wanlop Chutipong
Wanlop Chutipong is a researcher in the Conservation Ecology Program (Pilot Plant Development and Training Institute) at King Mongkut’s University of Technology Thonburi. His research focuses on the ecology of mammals in protected areas and developed coastal areas of Thailand. He also has training and interests in political science and natural resource management.
George A. Gale
George A. Gale is an associate professor and head of the Conservation Ecology Program (School of Bioresources and Technology) at King Mongkut’s University of Technology Thonburi. He has been teaching and conducting research there since 1998. His research interests are in wildlife ecology and management, particularly of birds and mammals of Southeast Asia.