Case studies of second generation youth from the Global South, southern Europe, and northern Europe: valuing the policies, research, and practices of intercultural education

Introduction

Concerned with the fact that migration researchers in the Global North have access to copious studies of youth of the second generation and that such research in the Global South may be understudied and unknown, a group of researchers from IMISCOE (Europe’s largest network of scholars in the area of migration and integration working with transnational families and youth)¹ obtained funding² to create a new network of scholars who would be interested in identifying similar research in the Global South, with the view that findings would be of interest and could stimulate further research in the Global North.

The primary aim of this network, named SOUNDS,³ was to bring together researchers from countries in the Global South and Global North to advance the study of the everyday experiences in the integration process of children of migrants of the second generation (ages 8–25) and examine the social, cultural, and economic difficulties they encounter and the strategies they use to overcome them. A secondary task was to identify the theoretical and empirical contributions made by scholars in countries of the Global South who made extensive use of testimonials in gathering data and thereby to expose it to researchers in countries of the North who use primarily qualitative and quantitative data to develop findings.⁴ The use of testimonials, interviews, and case histories brought to the surface the often painful and negative first-hand experiences of migrant children in the integration process and as such revealed timely methodological approaches to understanding their situations.

To explore the North–South research methodologies more in depth, an international workshop entitled ‘South-North dialogues on children of migrants’ took place at the University of Leeds, United Kingdom in 2015.⁵ Ten papers, most of which dealt with educational processes and practices were presented, and of these four were selected for this issue⁶ with an additional paper added later.

Among the questions raised by the papers and which provided the content of this special issue were: (1) What is the state of the art regarding second generation youth in Latin America and in the Caribbean? (2) What knowledge, skills, and methodologies are being used to gather data on such generations? (3) Who is conducting the research and how is such research being valued and disseminated in other spaces, including the Global North? (4) How do students undergoing schooling where teachers have been trained through intercultural education and who have been exposed to curriculum and educational policies that embody its values fare? (5) What are the creative ways in which children of migrants seek to overcome difficulties and advance their life chances?

Based on these questions, articles were selected to present the interplay of research of second generation youth and their experiences in intercultural education schooling against the backdrop of the Global South to Global North dialogues.

The Global South is geographically represented by cases from Mexico and Costa Rica, where both are highly influenced by the Global North, and in particular, the U.S.A. though circular and onward migration of youth. The cases from Madrid, Spain, and Lisbon, Portugal represent the differentiations often made between southern Europe and northern Europe, based on socio-economic development, the welfare state, social mobility, and educational achievement. The final case, a study of second generation Moroccan youth in the Netherlands, identifies the critical educational conjunctures expressed through their life histories and demonstrates that even within the Global North, issues of discrimination in the Global South persist in terms of stigmatisation, racial profiling, and stereotyping.

In this regard, not only is the framing of the Global South to Global North research significant, but the analysis of intercultural education as it pertains to the articles presented here is critical. The teachings of the late Jagdish Gundara, a predominant proponent of intercultural education as a national policy to enable and facilitate the integration of migrant children informs the research and findings of the contributors.

Jagdish Gundara’s intercultural education teachings

Of Gundara’s effort to define what is good intercultural education and inclusion, we are reminded of his statement that intercultural education ‘relies on hunches’ meant to do ‘good’ (Gundara and Portera 2008, 465). His contributions drawn from his book Interculturalism, Education, and Inclusion (2000), which the author reviewed, and from his ‘Theoretical Reflections on Intercultural Education’ (Gundara and Portrera 2008) are extensive, but five are particularly salient to the discussion of the articles herein presented. First, is his discussion of education, where he believes epistemologically that:

Education remains tied to a hegemonic canon, shut up in a cultural prison which recognizes only its own Euro-centered tradition, if it does recognize those outside it, interprets them according to its own values. Opening the prison demands an intercultural curriculum, a multifaceted and multifocal curriculum which redefines the Eurocentred canon and presents the traditions of the world within their own standards and not those of the Eurocentred tradition. (2000, 116)

Second is his admonition that we exist in hegemonic states that maintain social and economic differentiation as a means to emphasise social cohesion yet operate out of stratification that is linked to class, status, and gender (Gundara 2000, 116). This is especially significant in that, as he says, the recognition of heterogeneity in light of discussions of homogeneity is often reduced to a nation state culture. In this regard, we tend to ‘monothize’ national cultures.

Thirdly, underlying such hegemony are the notions of race and racism, which while not explicitly addressed within the articles, are implicit in much of the treatment levied at those who are not viewed as nationals or by the colour of their skins. As Gundara (2000, 29) points out, race is about exclusion and ‘The state finds “race” an overwhelming powerful category because of the way it has permeated the consciousness of all peoples at all social levels’. Thus its exclusionary nature can become a means to identify ‘scapegoats for all social ills in times of crisis’, as expressed in anti-Islamic sentiments (29) or even anti-immigration sentiments.

Fourthly, racism in education can be understood ‘in terms of the dynamics of dominant and subordinate groups. Racism would then be seen to be a problem for the dominant group’ which needs to be confronted because ‘schools are not very good at validating the cultures of the oppressed and the subordinated’ (Gundara 2000, 55). Such differentiation inevitably leads to what Gundara and Portera identify as the double edge sword of early problem-centered multicultural approaches:

directed at students of immigrant origin which leads to their being labelled as being disadvantaged and increasingly issues of difference became constructed as ‘deficit’ … deepening of the racism of the dominant and majority populations who define ‘the others’ by their ‘ethnicity’. (2008, 464)

Thus in these articles, the policies of intercultural education implemented in schools do not allow us to focus on the historical, sociopolitical, and national contexts and structures which Gundara suggests become blurred not allowing us to see beyond the tip of the iceberg. Seeing beyond the iceberg requires breaking down such differentiation, and for that intercultural education needs to assume political action (Gundara 2000). Education he states is to ‘… enable the evaluation and the establishment of a healthier balance between the selfish and the social by accepting the learner’s sanctity and autonomy thus enabling them to negotiate some of their society’s complexities’ (Gundara 2000, 49). Furthermore, such an education should ‘… enable the emergence of thinking citizens who would most likely to seek solutions to conflicts based on negotiation and resolution of differences rather than through violence’ (2000, 49).

Lastly, Gundara and Portrera (2008, 465) point out that in the twenty-first century the issues confronting education ’are far deeper than the political elites from dominant and majority populations tended to project.’ These are not problems or issues emanating from immigrant minorities but are issues for all groups in society. They will require confronting ’...the historical aspects of difference and diversity’, and ’...the increasingly complex contemporary aspects of diversity. The measures necessitate a total re-consideration of establishing formal, informal and life-long learning communities' (Gundara and Portrera 2008, 465).⁷

Contributing articles

Each of the cases presented depicts the use of different methodologies: (1) a state of the art review of the migration research and national policies that exist for second generation youth returning to Mexico or in transit through Mexico; (2) the quantitative and qualitative approaches that examine the problems and difficulties encountered by 1.5 and second generation Nicaraguan students in the Costa Rican educational system; (3) the qualitative case using focus groups and semi-structured interviews on Muslim youth in Madrid, Spain to describe their experiences; (4) the quantitative and qualitative study about the diversity of experiences of Cape Verdean, Brazilian, and Portuguese students in two different metropolitan areas of Lisbon, Portugal; and (5) the life histories of Moroccan Dutch second generation youth in the Netherlands who have experienced discrimination in schooling.

Mexico

Omar Loera-Gonzáles and Martha Montero-Sieburth identify several key factors which adversely affect the educational opportunities of returning Mexicans and stranded Central American youth in Mexico, based on an extensive state of the art review of academic literature on migration and youth, and Mexican Government documents. Despite governmental educational policies to make education accessible to all Mexicans, the research points to the marginalisation of intercultural education services targeting migrant youth, the lack of focus on migrant youth as potential human capital and the adult-centric rather than child-centred analysis of public policies and discourses. Pointed out as well, is the lack of recognition of Mexico’s 63 indigenous populations who migrate both to the North and internally, and are highly discriminated on the basis of their Indianness.

Costa Rica

In the article co-authored by Natalia Campos-Saborio,⁸ Hilda Patricia Núñez-Rivas, Ileana Holst-Schumacher, Flory Virginia Alfaro-Mora, and Betty Chacón-Ruíz on 1.5 and second generation Nicaraguan Students in Costa Rica, the authors point to the problems and difficulties encountered by Nicaraguan migrant students in the Costa Rican educational system. These problems contrast starkly with the psychosocial and sociocultural well-being of their Costa Rican counterparts. This representative quantitative and qualitative study of schools in Costa Rica vividly presents the gap that exists between the stated objectives and policies of the Costa Rican educational system to recognise and foster intercultural education and tolerance, and the actual educational results of Nicaraguan students. The quantitative findings not only point out differences in educational outcomes between these cohorts, but especially highlight the prevalence of psychosocial risk behaviours related to violence, bullying, suicidal tendencies, and self-harm experienced by Nicaraguan students and revealed through qualitative statements. The authors urge the government of Costa Rica to close the gap between the well-intended national educational policies and the actual educational practice in order to promote equitable learning in Costa Rica and better the chances for integration of its Nicaraguan minority who are citizens of Costa Rica.

Greater Lisbon and municipality of Sintra, Portugal

María Joao Hortas’ study of second generation Brazilians and Cape Verdeans in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area focuses on schools in the inner city of Lisbon and a suburban neighbourhood located in the municipality of Sintra. The quantitative and qualitative study shows how different meanings of diversity and intercultural dialogues are being experienced by students, teachers, and parents. Using (1) a multi-level questionnaire directed at students and parents, (2) a compilation of qualitative statements provided by students and parents and (3) a collection of qualitative statements from teachers and board members, the results indicate that there is a wide divergence of attitudes and perspectives among the different actors about intercultural education. The research findings indicate that promoting intercultural dialogue is not a one-way process but requires the development of several intertwined strategies in each of these different contexts and communities. The observed practices of teachers, students, and administrators do not meet expected policies incorporating intercultural education. The main barrier for educating these second generation youth is the lack of professional commitment and dialogue between teachers, students, and families. Barroso Hortas de Hortas recommends the need to implement and evaluate high-quality intercultural education so that the potential of these second generation youth can be better realised in their school experience.

Metropolitan area of Madrid, Spain

Joaquín Eguren explores the religious identification of Moroccan youth in their education and the interplay between their religious identification and Spanish educational policy. Researching a targeted group of immigrant Moroccan children and young people in greater Madrid, he highlights how such experiences are in part due to the evolution of intercultural education in Spain. Tracing the laws which have stipulated religious freedom in schools in terms of food and dress code, Eguren uses his own research as part of a larger study which targets students in primary education, compulsory secondary education, non-compulsory education, and vocational training to examine how young Muslims of Moroccan descent tolerantly respect their surrounding environment whilst reaffirming their religious beliefs. Eguren describes that even though these youth are challenged by Spanish society, they are supported by their families, attend the mosques, and have strong relationships with the Muslim community. They recognise the respect they receive from their teachers and classmates, which encourages them to uphold their religious beliefs while they also acknowledge values of coexistence in Spanish society. The study signals that while implementation of such religious freedom is in full force, through educational laws and policies, its actual coverage is uneven, with some schools carrying out its premises while others fulfil these half way. Furthermore, there is a need for the educational system to improve its capacity to engender better acceptance of Muslim youth, particularly because some youth are not free from stereotypes and fears about Muslims from their teachers and school peers.

Moroccan Dutch in Amsterdam and Rotterdam

Domiziana Turcatti’s use of life histories collected from Moroccan Dutch youth in Amsterdam and Rotterdam allows us to learn about their experiences within the tracked programmes of the Dutch education system. In Dutch academic research and governmental studies, Moroccan Dutch youth tend to be portrayed as a ‘disadvantaged group’, socio-economically deprived, lagging behind in education, and with high dropout rates, despite the implementation of educational policies, including intercultural education,⁹ designed to equalise the educational disadvantages of children of migrants and combat racism. Using a theoretical framework of educational inequality for children of migrants and social identity theory in explaining inter-group relations and discrimination, her findings, which include the analysis of media and political discourses, indicate that these youth are among the most stigmatised groups and considered to have the highest levels of discrimination in the Netherlands. Although the research is limited in scope and not generalisable, given the small size of the sample of migrant children, the findings show how the strengths and pitfalls of Dutch education policies can be captured through the life history approach, and shows the need for citizenship education and other policies to be better implemented to benefit this important migrant minority in the Dutch educational system and the Dutch society at large.

Concluding statements

The findings of all of these cases not only show differences in the experiences of second generation youth taught under intercultural education policies and school practices and varied meanings attributed to diversity and quality learning, but also the many ‘souths’, represented by inequalities and differences that persist for them.

In the case of Mexico, the contradictions between its pluricultural stance and the lack of intercultural education services for returning Mexican youth and Central Americans stranded in Mexico are compellingly presented. In a similar fashion, the Costa Rican case shows the sharp contrast that exists between the Nicaraguan students’ psychosocial and sociocultural well-being and that of their Costa Rican counterparts in a country where a particular type of intercultural education has been highly institutionalised over three decades. In the study of Muslim youth in greater metropolitan Madrid, the passage of numerous educational laws and policies, including intercultural education training, promotes religious freedom that protects the practices of Muslim youth in food, prayers, and the wearing of the veil in schools and contributes to their sense of belonging, yet their implementation in all schools is uneven. In the case of schools in the metropolitan areas of Lisbon, based on the research conducted of Brazilian, Cape Verdean, and Portuguese students, families, teachers, and administrators vocalise a variety of meanings attributed to diversity and intercultural dialogues which are inconsistent with the nationally defined competency based policies of intercultural education. The lived histories of Moroccan Dutch youth exemplify that even in the Netherlands, with its tolerant stance, and well-established tradition of intercultural/citizenship education, educational opportunities for these youth are tainted with stigmatisation and discrimination, making their resilience a sign of resistance.

Except for the Costa Rican case, none are generalisable or representative of all schools nor are the types of multiculturalism or interculturalism of each given country common to all, even if found throughout the Global South,¹⁰ yet each is an approximation to a given reality.

Relevant to the emerging North–South dialogue and the potential to transfer important knowledge between researchers in the Global North and Global South, the contributions of these articles make a significant addition to the mutual themes of the role intercultural education in the process of integration across many national borders. These cases make relevant the value that intercultural education has for students, parents, teachers, and administrators in schools. Heeded by the researchers is the need to ensure that intercultural policies are not only implemented, but internalised by all social actors and put into practice to enhance opportunities that make a difference for future generations of youth.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

1. Several of the researchers had either worked with transnational families and youth in Europe such as Latin Americans in Great Britain (Rosa Mas Giralt), or Turkish and Moroccan Dutch youth and Mexicans in the Netherlands (Martha Montero-Sieburth) and Moroccans in Madrid, Spain (Joaquín Eguren).

2. Funds from World Universities Network – Funds for International Research Collaboration at the University of Leeds (UK) enabled the international network on South-North Dialogues on the Children of Migrants (SOUNDS), with participants from Latin America, Europe and the U.S. to be founded. The principal investigator was Dr Rosa Mas Giralt with (Co-Is: Dr Robert Vanderbeck and Dr Louise Waite, School of Geography).

3. SOUNDS focuses on the everyday experiences of integration of children/youth of migrant descent and consider how notions of belonging, cross-border connections, and citizenship play a part in configuring their narratives of inclusion/exclusion and membership. Such an approach is crucial in developing nuanced understanding of inclusion and exclusion experiences and how dynamics of ‘social cohesion’ may be fostered in contemporary societies.

4. See Mignolo (2011a, 2011b).

5. Website: www.sounds.leeds.ac.uk.

6. The researchers who were selected range in backgrounds from junior to senior scholars and are from diverse disciplinary perspectives (anthropology, sociology, migration, evaluation studies, and education), use distinct methodologies (life histories, qualitative research, case studies, mixed methods) and represent country specific analysis, city-based studies, and singular cases.

7. Underlining by author.

8. The author would like to recognize the contributions of Dr Natalia Campos-Saborío in her academic trajectory over many decades where she has led not only teams of researchers, been director of research programs, headed up a qualitative doctoral program over several years, conducted longitudinal qualitative research in urban marginal schools in Costa Rica and assembled interdisciplinary teams of researchers working for the good of Costa Rican education and beyond. Her care, dedication, and commitment to her team members, colleagues and author are highly appreciated and regarded.

9. Intercultural education via teacher training and curriculum reform began in the 1980s in the Netherlands to overcome discriminatory practices in schools and to help position minority students with their native Dutch counterparts. It was well received and became compulsory up until the beginning of the millennium. However, due to the perceived lack of integration of minorities, it was gradually replaced in 2006 by citizenship education, which places the responsibility to integrate on the shoulders of minorities and immigrants. Currently, it is known as active citizenship education.

10. Intercultural education is found throughout Latin America and is evident in some countries more than others. Bolivia, Peru, and the Andean area have over the years extended their intercultural teaching.