Gender and development in post-conflict Swat, Pakistan: a critical analysis of NGO approaches used in development projects

ABSTRACT

The concept of ‘gender and development’ is still marginalised and misunderstood. After the armed conflict (2005–2009) and floods (2010) which struck the Swat Valley, Pakistan there was an influx of development organisations into the area. These organisations introduced projects focusing on both men and women, with the intention of assisting them according to their needs and pursuing the higher goal of gender equality. This study, carried out from 2016–2018, used qualitative methods to understand how these development organisations understood the concept of gender and development, and how they implemented it. Data was collected from two villages and two NGOs working in selected villages in the Swat Valley. Analysis reveals that the term ‘gender’ was often misinterpreted by local NGOs, making it difficult for them to see how their projects could contribute to improved well-being of both women and men, in the light of the diversity and dynamics of local gendered norms and relations. Instead of being included from the start as stakeholders, women were often involved as ‘additions’ to projects. Furthermore, NGO workers were not sufficiently trained in how to consider gender in the implementation of projects.

KEYWORDS:

• Gender
• development
• NGOs
• social mobiliser
• conflict
• flood

Disclosure statement

The authors do not have any potential conflicts of interest.

Correction Statement

This article has been corrected with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.

Notes

1. Momsen, Gender and Development.

2. Ibid.

3. Nyborg, ‘Yours today, mine tomorrow?’

4. For example, in the agriculture sector, the process of modernisation has altered and left obvious footprints on gendered labour patterns. General observations reveal that these changing patterns in the division of labour and gendered relations have directly affected women’s access to opportunities. Women have become relatively more dependent on their families and husbands than before (see Momsen (2010) for details).

5. Momsen, Gender and Development.

6. Shakirullah, et al, ‘The underlying causes of violent conflict’. Shakirullah, et. al., ‘Violent conflict in North Waziristan, Pakistan’, 1–14.

7. Nyborg, I., Nawab, B. Khan, K. and Ali, J., A Joint project document on Gender and Human Security in Post-Conflict Pakistan: Policy implications of local, gendered understandings of security and development, by Noragric and CUI Abbottabad.

8. Schafer, ‘Supporting livelihoods in situations of chronic conflict and political instability’.

9. Nyborg, et al., ‘Rural Development in Swat, Pakistan’, 62.

10. Sultan-e-Rome, ‘Women’s Right to Land Ownership in Swat State Area’, 116–141.

11. Ibid.

12. Ibid., 55.

13. Shah et al., ‘The Role of Stakeholders in Post Conflict Peacebuilding in Swat, Pakistan’.

14. Ibid., 56.

15. Shah et al., ‘The Role of Stakeholders in Post Conflict Peacebuilding in Swat, Pakistan’. Nyborg and Nawab, ‘Civil Security in the Wake of Crisis’, 134–148.

16. Lindholm, ‘Contemporary Politics in a Tribal Society’, 489.

17. Masood, ‘How Green was My Valley’.

18. Sultan-e-Rome, ‘Women’s Right to Land Ownership in Swat State Area’.

19. Orakzai, ‘Conflict in the Swat valley of Pakistan’.

20. Ibid.

21. Musharraf, ‘A Plea for Enlightened Moderation’, 1.

22. Hassan, ‘A war on Pakistan’s School Girls’.

23. Manzoor, ‘Pakistani Women, Religious Extremism and Traditions’.

24. Naz et al., ’Socio-Cultural Impediments to Women Political Empowerment in Pakhtun Society’, 163–173.

25. Sultan-e-Rome, ‘Crisis and Reconciliation in Swat’, 53–79.

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid.

28. Sultan-e-Rome, ‘Crisis and Reconciliation in Swat’, 53–79.

29. Ibid.

30. Geiser, ‘Reading political contestation in Pakistan’s Swat valley’, 707–715.

31. Ibid.

32. Ibid.

33. Elahi et al., ‘Participatory approaches and practices’,1–24.

34. Geiser, ‘Reading political contestation in Pakistan’s Swat valley’, 707–715.

35. Nyborg and Nawab, ‘Human security in post-crisis Swat: exploring the interface of local and global experiences and perceptions of gender, security and development. Nawab and Nyborg, ‘Climate Change and Disasters’, 47–61.

36. Fairbairn-Dunlop, ‘Tourism: A gender analysis’.

37. Momsen, Gender and Development.

38. Mohanty, ‘Under western eyes’, 333–58.

39. Momsen, Gender and Development.

40. Ibid., 2.

41. Moser, ‘Gender planning in the third world’.

42. Momsen, Gender and Development.

43. Ibid., 2.

44. Kabeer, Reversed Realities; Moser, ‘Gender planning in the third world’; Agarwal, ‘A field of one’s own’; and Razavi and Miller, ‘From WID to GAD’.

45. Moore, ‘Gender, power and legal pluralism’.

46. Ibid.

47. Kabeer, Reversed Realities. Razavi and Miller, ‘From WID to GAD’.

48. Molyneux, ‘Mobilisation without Emancipation?’ 228.

49. Moser, ‘Gender planning in the third world’, 1803.

50. Kabeer, Reversed Realities, 5.

51. Staudt, Agricultural policy implication.

52. Moser, ‘Gender planning in the third world’.

53. Ibid.

54. Kabeer, Reversed Realities, 90. Agarwal, ‘A field of one’s own’. Paydar, ‘Linking Land Rights to Livelihoods’.

55. Kabeer, Reversed Realities, 87.

56. Momsen, Gender and Development.

57. Staudt, Agricultural policy implication.

58. The Five-Year Plans for the National Economy of Pakistan were the series of nationwide centralised economic plans and targets as part of the economic development initiatives, in Pakistan. Asian Development Bank, ‘Asian Development Outlook 2000’, 21–23.

59. Ibid., 23.

60. Ibid.

61. Shah, et al., ‘The Narrative of Militancy’, 55.

62. Shah et al., ‘The Role of Stakeholders in Post Conflict Peacebuilding in Swat, Pakistan’.

63. Nyborg, ‘Rural Development in Swat, Pakistan’.

64. Key informant interviews are detailed interviews with the people who have sound knowledge of happenings in the community. In addition, with their deeper understanding and knowledge they present the deeper analysis of communal problems.

65. Main city of Swat.

66. During fieldwork, Swat was still struggling with security. To avoid any unpleasant incidents, I was very careful with focus group discussions. Rather, I tried to keep the number of respondents as low as 5 and chose to conduct the discussion when I was fully satisfied with the security situation. The main person who assisted me with the security updates in the communities and villages was the key informant.

67. PDMA, available at: http://www.pdma.gov.pk.

68. Ibid.

69. Gender policy of NGO ‘B’ was not available on their website even.

70. Momsen, Gender and Development,12.

71. For humanitarian assistance, gender was compulsory component in any NGOs policy. Since political situation of Pakistan was not favourable so most of the donors chose implementing partners in Swat which were local NGOs. Local NGOs had very limited understanding and scope of working with gender. They haphazardly copied (in most cases as understood from the interviews) their gender policies to attract funding.

72. In Swat, Donors themselves could not come to Swat. They instead had Implementing partners in Swat. In Majority of the cases these Implementing partners were Swat based local NGOs. Most the Staff of these IPs was also from Swat.

73. Kabeer, Reversed Realities.

74. Ribot and Peluso, ‘A theory of access’, 155. Khalid et al., ‘Whose property whose authority?’

75. Nyborg, ‘Yours today, mine tomorrow?’

76. A union council in Pakistan is an elected local government body consisting of 21 councillors, headed by a nazim (equivalent to a mayor) and a naib nazim (deputy).

77. Upper Swat was severely hit by floods in 2010.

78. A place or room outside house where males gather and discuss the problems. It is strictly male space; females are not allowed to enter the place.

79. Pakhtunwali is the code of conduct of Swat Valley. It is very conservative gender wise. All the activities in the valley are overshadowed by this code particularly ones related to gender.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Abda Khalid

Abda Khalid is Assistant Professor in the Department of Development Studies in COMSATS University Islamabad, Abbottabad Campus. She received her PhD in International Environment and Development Studies from the Norwegian University of Life Science, Norway. Her core area of specialization is gender, conflict and resource management. However, her post PhD work is very interdisciplinary, and she is currently focusing on societies in Himalayan regions, community policing and gender and post–conflict reforms.

Bahadar Nawab

Bahadar Nawab is Associate Professor and Chairperson of the Department of Development Studies at COMSATS University Islamabad, Abbottabad Campus, Pakistan. Dr. Bahadar received his PhD in International Environment and Development Studies from the Norwegian University of Life Sciences, Norway. Dr. Bahadar has an interdisciplinary academic background and specialises in Environment and Development Studies. His core area of specialization is in post-crises development, climate change adaptation, conflict, peace and development, institutions and policies analysis, and water supply and sanitation leading to sustainable development.

Shakirullah Dawar

Shakirullah Dawar is working as a Research Associate with the Department of Development Studies, COMSATS University Islamabad (CUI), Abbottabad Campus, Pakistan. He has earned his PhD in Development Studies and his major areas of research are conflict, social structure, and cultural values.