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Research Article

Rebel oil regimes and economic governance: the case of the Houthis in Yemen

Pages 589-607 | Published online: 23 Dec 2022
 

ABSTRACT

Most studies on oil and rebellion focus on the physical competition to control sites of resource production such as fields, refineries and export terminals. Issues of ownership are tertiary, even derisory. This paper takes issues of ownership seriously, detailing how rebel groups make legal claims to ownership of state-controlled oil assets. Rebel oil regimes are embedded in broader forms of rebel economic governance and diplomacy. Rebels can assert legal rights to resources even when they lack physical access to it. Using the case of the Houthis (Ansar Allah) in northern Yemen, the paper shows how rebel oil regimes help solidify elite bargains and relationships with outside patrons in ways that affect the course of conflict and conflict resolution. Considering legality alongside physical possession of resources better explains how rebel governance operates in the economic sphere.

Disclosure Statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes

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19. Humphrey, The Unmaking of Soviet Life.

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21. Ross, The Oil Curse.

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24. Schultze-Kraft, Crimilegal Orders, Governance and Armed Conflict, 102.

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35. Salisbury, Yemen’s Economy: Oil, Imports and Elites, 5, 12–13.

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37. Lackner, Yemen in Crisis: Road to War, 232.

38. Ibid., 51.

39. Clausen, ‘Competing for Control over the State’; Eleftheriadou, ‘Non-State Armed Actors and Contested Sovereignties’.

40. Dahlgren and Augustin, ‘The Multiple Wars in Yemen’; Ahram, Break All the Borders.

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42. Bauer and Pelofsky, ‘Yemen’s Banking Problems’.

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44. Lackner, Yemen in Crisis, 162–4.

45. Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies, ‘Corruption in Yemen’s War Economy’; UN Security Council, ‘Letter Dated 26 January 2018 from the Panel of Experts on Yemen’, 37–38, 126–28.

46. International Crisis Group, ‘Discord in Yemen’s North’.

47. Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies, ‘Game of Parliaments’, 12.

48. UN Security Council, ‘Letter Dated 22 January 2021 from the Panel of Experts on Yemen’, 38.

49. Ibid., 35, 207–19.

50. Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies, ‘Corruption in Yemen’s War Economy’; Hill, Yemen Endures, 293.

51. Huddleston and Wood, ‘Functional Markets in Yemen’s War Economy’.

52. Harris, ‘The Rise of the Subcontractor State’; Coville, ‘The Economic Activities of the Pasdaran’.

53. The Iran Primer.

54. UN Security Council, ‘Letter Dated 25 January 2019 from the Panel of Experts on Yemen’, 129–30.

55. International Crisis Group, ‘Preventing a Deadly Showdown in Northern Yemen’.

56. Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies, ‘Deescalate the Economic War‘.

57. Human Rights Watch, ‘Deadly Consequences: Obstruction of Aid in Yemen During Covid-19’.

58. UN Security Council, ‘Letter Dated 22 January 2021 from the Panel of Experts on Yemen’ Addressed to the President of the Security Council’, 38–39.

59. Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies, ‘Houthis Scuttle Truce Talks with Last-Minute Demands’.

60. ‘Sana’a’s Decision to Protect Oil Wealth’; ‘Yemen Houthis Give Foreign Oil Companies Ultimatum’.

61. Huber, ‘Resource Geographies’.

62. Johnson, ‘Near Futures and Perfect Hedges’; Manera, ‘Introduction to a Special Issue’.

63. Gallien, ‘Informal Institutions’; Gallien and Weigand, ‘Channelling Contraband’; Sweet, ‘Bureaucrats at War’; Bozcali, ‘Probabilistic Borderwork’.

64. Weber, Simulating Sovereignty; Bryant, ‘Sovereignty in Drag’.

65. Le Billon, ‘Oil and the Islamic State’.

66. Revkin, ‘What Explains Taxation by Resource-Rich Rebels?’

67. Aspinall, ‘The Construction of Grievance’; Anderson, ‘Gangster, Ideologue, Martyr’.

68. Campos, ‘Oil, Sovereignty & Self-Determination’; Naili, ‘Defeating Illegal Trade in Western Sahara’; Irwin, ‘Terrains of Legality and Sovereignty’.

69. Seelke et al., ‘Venezuela: Background and Us Relations’, Venezuela: Political, Economic and Humanitarian Issues (2021).

70. Voller, ‘Kurdish Oil Politics in Iraq’; Mills, ‘Under the Mountains’.

71. Ahram, ‘Rebel Oil Companies’.

Additional information

Funding

The work was supported by the Carnegie Corporation of New York and the Institute for Society, Culture and the Environment at Virginia Tech.

Notes on contributors

Ariel I. Ahram

Ariel I. Ahram is Professor at Virginia Tech School of Public and International Affairs and the author of War and Conflict in the Middle East and North Arica (Polity, 2019).

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