Troublemaker or peacemaker? Andreas Papandreou, the Euromissile Crisis, and the policy of peace, 1981–86

ABSTRACT

The article sheds light on a neglected piece of the Euromissile Crisis puzzle, namely Greece’s policy of peace. The article examines the interaction of Andreas Papandreou’s socialist government’s foreign policy, developments in the country’s political culture and national frames of reference, and the unfolding drama of the nuclear crisis of the 1980s. While subscribing to an international cause, papandreou framed the policy of peace in ardent nationalist terms that involved renegotiation of the american bases on greek soil, relations with nato, balkan regional schemes for nuclear-weapons-free zones, and international initiatives with the third world.

KEYWORDS:

• Peace movements
• Euromissiles
• Greece
• Papandreou
• American bases
• security
• NATO

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes

¹ Wilson (FCO) to Sutherland (Athens), 5 February 1982, The National Archives (hereafter: TNA), Foreign and Commonwealth Office (hereafter: FCO) 9/3516.

² This work was supported by the Max Batley Peace Studies Grant, University of Sheffield.

³ Michalis Spourdalakis, The Rise of the Greek Socialist Party (London: Routledge, 1988).

⁴ Richard Clogg, ed., Greece, 1981–89: The Populist Decade (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1993).

⁵ Theodore A. Couloumbis, ‘PASOK’s Foreign Policies, 1981–89: Continuity or Change?,’ in Clogg, Greece 1981–89: The Populist Decade, 120; Van Coufoudakis, ‘Greek Foreign Policy Since 1974: Quest for Independence,’ Journal of Modern Greek Studies 6, no. 1 (1988): 61–2.

⁶ Leopoldo Nuti, Frédéric Bozo, Marie-Pierre Rey, and Bernd Rother, eds., The Euromissile Crisis and the End of the Cold War (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press; Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2015).

⁷ Holger Nehring and Helge Pharo, ‘Introduction: A Peaceful Europe? Negotiating Peace in the Twentieth Century,’ Contemporary European History 17, no. 3 (2008): 278.

⁸ Kathrin Fahlenbrach, Martin Klimke, and Joachim Scharloth, eds., Protest Cultures: A Companion (New York: Berghahn Books, 2016).

⁹ Matthew Grant and Benjamin Ziemann, eds., Understanding the Imaginary War: Culture, Thought and Nuclear Conflict (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2016).

¹⁰ The relationship with the EEC and NATO has received the lion’s share of scholarly attention, but a very important aspect has been neglected: that of nuclear politics.

¹¹ Note by the Secretary General, Brussels, 29 January 1982, NATO Archives, C-M(82)4.

¹² Lawrence S. Wittner, The Struggle Against the Bomb: Toward Nuclear Abolition: A History of the World Nuclear Disarmament Movement, 1971 to Present (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003), 163.

¹³ Kevin Featherstone and Dimitris Papadimitriou, Prime Ministers in Greece: The Paradox of Power (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 79, 83; John O. Iatrides, ‘Beneath the Sound and the Fury: US Relations with the PASOK Government,’ in Clogg, Greece, 1981–89: The Populist Decade, 154–66; Lykourgos Kourkouvelas, ‘Monitoring the Rise of a Radical Force: the British Embassy in Athens and the Ascent of the Greek Panhellenic Socialist Movement, 1974–1981,’ Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 17, no. 3 (2017): 485–503.

¹⁴ The most recent examples: Special issue of German Politics & Society 33, no. 4 (2015); Holger Nehring and Benjamin Ziemann, ‘Do All Paths Leads to Moscow? The NATO Dual Track Decision and the Peace Movements: A Critique,’ Cold War History 12, no. 1 (2012): 1–24; Eckart Conze, Martin Klimke, and Jeremy Varon, eds., Nuclear Threats, Nuclear Fear and the Cold War of the 1980s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017).

¹⁵ An exception is Leopoldo Nuti, ‘“Me Too, Please”: Italy and the Politics of Nuclear Weapons, 1945–1975,’ Diplomacy & Statecraft 4, no. 1 (1993): 114–48.

¹⁶ Lawrence Freedman, ‘Note of the Month: The Neutron Bomb Returns,’ World Today 37, no. 3 (1981): 81–7. A variety of factors explain the fall of détente during the late 1970s. See, for more, Raymond Garthoff, Detente and Confrontation: American-Soviet Relations from Nixon to Reagan (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1985); Jussi M. Hanhimäki, The Rise and Fall of Détente: American Foreign Policy and the Transformation of the Cold War (Washington, DC: Potomac Books 2013); also, Olav Njølstad, ‘The Collapse of Superpower Détente, 1975–1980,’ in Melvyn Leffler and Arne Westad, eds., The Cambridge History of the Cold War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), vol. 3., 135–55.

¹⁷ Kristina Spohr Readman, ‘Conflict and Cooperation in Intra-Alliance Nuclear Politics: Western Europe, the United States, and the Genesis of NATO’s Dual Track Decision, 1977–1979,’ Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 2 (2011): 41–3.

¹⁸ Eirini Karamouzi, Greece, the EEC and the Cold War: The Second Enlargement (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014).

¹⁹ Dionysios Chourchoulis and Lykourgos Kourkouvelas, ‘Greek Perceptions of NATO during the Cold War,’ Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 12, no. 4 (2012): 507.

²⁰ Ivan-Andre Slengesol, ‘A Bad Show? The United States and the 1974 Cyprus Crisis,’ Mediterranean Quarterly 22, no. 2 (2000): 96–129; Konstantina Botsiou, ‘Anti-Americanism in Greece,’ in Anti-Americanism: History, Causes and Themes, ed. Brendon O’Connor, vol. 3 (Oxford, Westport, CT, 2007), 213–345.

²¹ Estimate of Turkish military capabilities on Cyprus, 13 August 1974, CIA Records Search Tool (CREST), CIA-RDP79B01737A00210008000-1; Constantinos Svolopoulos, ed., Constantinos Karamanlis: Archives, Event and Texts [in Greek] (Athens, 1997) (hereafter Karamanlis), vol. 8, 84–8.

²² John Iatrides, ‘Challenging the Limitations of the Atlantic Community. Konstantinos Karamanlis and NATO,’ in Konstantinos Svolopoulos et al., eds., Konstantinos Karamanlis in the Twentieth Century (Athens: Karamanlis Foundation, 2008), vol. 2, 17–36.

²³ MoD draft reply to Lord Jenkins question, 10–15 December 1981, TNA/FCO 46/2761. Also, Leslie Gelb, ‘U.S. Weighs Status of Nuclear Warheads in Greece,’ New York Times, 11 September 1974, and Claudia Wright, ‘The U.S., Greece and A-Arms,’ New York Times, 27 February 1981.

²⁴ Karamanlis’ response to Brezhnev, 29 November 1979, Konstantinos Karamanlis Foundation (hereafter: KKF), Konstantinos Karamanlis Archives (hereafter: KKA), File 57B; Note on conversation between Karamanlis and Italian Prime Minister Francesco Cossiga, 25 October 1979, KKF/KKA, File 52B.

²⁵ Memo by Henze to Brzezinski on Greek Election Outcome, 21 November 1977, Declassified Documents Reference System (DDRS), doc. CK3100483060.

²⁶ See, for instance, PASOK’s Founding Declaration of 3 September 1974; Andreas Papandreou, Greece to the Greeks [in Greek] (Athens: Karanassis, 1976). For the rise of Andreas Papandreou on the political scene, read the seminal work of Stan Draenos, Andreas Papandreou. The Making of a Greek Democrat and Political Maverick (London: I.B. Tauris, 2012) and Takis Pappas, The Charismatic Party: PASOK, Papandreou, Power [in Greek] (Athens: Patakis, 2009), 63–184.

²⁷ Stearns (Athens) to State Department, 14 January 1982, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library (RRPL), Staff Member and Office File collections (hereafter: SMOF), Executive Secretariat, NSC, Box 15.

²⁸ PASOK Publications, Socialist Party Manifesto – Contract with the People [in Greek], (Athens, 1981), 31–7.

²⁹ Rhodes (Athens) to Synnott (FCO), 18 December 1984, TNA/FCO 9/4657. Also, Kostas Simitis, Courses of Life [in Greek] (Athens: Polis, 2015), 286.

³⁰ Quoted in Konstantina E. Botsiou, ‘The Interface Between Politics and Culture in Greece,’ in Alexandre Stephan, ed., The Americanization of Europe: Culture, Diplomacy and Anti-Americanism after 1945 (New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2006), 280.

³¹ Zinovia Lialiouti, ‘Greek Cold War Anti-Americanism in Perspective, 1947–1989,’ Journal of Transatlantic Studies 13, no. 1 (2015): 47.

³² Memorandum on Monthly Warning Assessment: Western Europe, 23 October 1981, CREST, CIA-RDP83B01027R00050024-7.

³³ Preparation for Papandreou’s visit to France on 25 November 1981, ‘Dejeuner a l’Elysée’; Note Pour Le President De La Republique from Hubert Vendrine, Mitterrand Archives, AG/5(4)/CD/270, Dossier 5.

³⁴ Henderson (Washington) to FCO, 26 November 1981, FCO 46/2761.

³⁵ G. Mavrogordatos et al., ‘The Political Culture of Southern Europe: A Four Nation Study,’ GESIS Data Archive, Cologne (1991).

³⁶ Iatrides, ‘Beneath the Sound and the Fury,’ 155–8.

³⁷ Georgios Papoulias, Essays on Diplomacy and Politics [in Greek] (Athens: Benaki Museum, 2012), 138.

³⁸ For a very accurate analysis and prediction of PASOK’s foreign and defence policy, see CREST, Special analysis by K. Hochstein on: Papandreou’s Foreign Policy, 13 January 1982, CIA-RDP84T00301R0001000100-39–4.

³⁹ Briefing Note for Mitterrand from Jean-Michel Gaillard, Paris, 22 November 1983, AG/5(4)/CD/270, Dossier 7.

⁴⁰ Bernard Gwertzman, ‘Greece’s Leader Eases His Stand on U.S. Bases,’ New York Times, 26 October 1981.

⁴¹ Hellenic Parliament Library (hereafter: HPL), Parliament Debates, Third Period, First Session, 22 November 1981, 15–16; also, Marvine Howe, ‘Greeks Are Told Timetable Is Due to Oust U.S. Bases,’ New York Times, 23 November 1981.

⁴² ‘Mr Papambiguous,’ The Economist, 28 November 1981.

⁴³ ‘Papandreou Softens Washington Anxiety,’ The Guardian, 21 October 1981.

⁴⁴ Stearns (Athens) to State Department, Athens, 14 January 1982, RRPL, SMOF, Executive Secretariat, NSC, Box 15.

⁴⁵ David Tonge, ‘Idealist Papandreou Comes to Terms with Reality,’ The Times, 24 February 1982.

⁴⁶ Ioannis Charalampopoulos, Critical Years: Fights for Democracy (1936–1996) [in Greek] (Athens: Proskinio, 2000).

⁴⁷ John Vinocur, ‘Greece Obstructs a NATO Communique,’ New York Times, 10 December 1981.

⁴⁸ ‘Greece Limits Its NATO Role,’ New York Times, 11 December 1981.

⁴⁹ George Coats, ‘Papandreou’s Strategy Wins Support at Home,’ The Guardian, 11 December 1981. See also the editorial comment of the leftist (non-communist) periodical Anti, vol. 194, 11 December 1981.

⁵⁰ Athens Embassy to FCO, Letter on PASOK’s First Four Months, 16 February 1982, FCO 9/3516.

⁵¹ Effie Pedaliu, ‘“Footnotes” as an Expression of Distrust? The United States and the NATO “Flanks” in the Last Two Decades of the Cold War,’ in Martin Klimke et al., eds., Trust, but Verify: The Politics of Uncertainty and the Transformation of the Cold War Order, 1969–1991 (Washington D.C. and Stanford, CA: Woodrow Wilson Center Press and Stanford University Press, 2016), 237–58.

⁵² I Kathimerini, 13 January 1982.

⁵³ ‘Greece Is Said to Tie Stand On Poland to Other Issues,’ New York Times, 13 January 1982.

⁵⁴ Andrea Chiampan, ‘“Those European Chicken Littles”: Reagan, NATO, and the Polish Crisis, 1981–2,’ The International History Review 37, no. 4 (2015): 682–99.

⁵⁵ Gozney (Mod) to FCO, 17 August 1983, FCO 9/4080; also, Ta Nea, 19 March 1982. The Greek Communists considered the acceptance of Brezhnev’s proposal as ‘positive’: see Ta Nea, 29 March 1982.

⁵⁶ ‘Britain and France Protest Greek Missile View,’ New York Times, 4 April 1982. Nikos Katapodis, Scattered Papers of my Diplomatic Life [in Greek] (Athens: Potamos 2004), 106. In December 1981 NATO had decided that the British and the French nuclear forces were independent and were constituting a strategic deterrent; hence they could not be included in any disarmament talks between the United States and the Soviet Union or in the negotiations regarding the future of the medium-range missiles in Europe.

⁵⁷ NATO/M-DPC-1(82)11, Final Communique, 7 May 1982.

⁵⁸ Evanthis Hatzivassiliou, Greece and the Cold War: Frontline State, 1952–1967 (London: Routledge: 2006), 94; Dionysios Chourchoulis, The Southern Flank of NATO 1951–1959: Military Strategy or Political Stabilization (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014), 209–13.

⁵⁹ Ioannis Stefanidis, Unequal Partners: Greece and the United States in the Cold War [in Greek] (Athens: Patakis, 2002), 184–8.

⁶⁰ Theodore Couloumbis, The United States, Greece and Turkey: The Troubled Triangle (New York: Praeger, 1983), 142–4; Sotiris Rizas, ‘Managing a Conflict between Allies: United States Policy towards Greece and Turkey in Relation to the Aegean Dispute, 1974–76,’ Cold War History 9, no. 3 (2009): 367–87.

⁶¹ Kyriakos Mitsotakis, The Clashing Rocks of Foreign Policy. Internal and International Pressures on Greek-American Negotiation on the Bases, 1974–1985 [in Greek] (Athens: Patakis, 2006), 88–9.

⁶² Rizas, ‘Managing a Conflict,’ 375–8.

⁶³ ‘Crying Wolf?’ The Economist, 27 September 1980.

⁶⁴ I Kathimerini, 19 June 1981.

⁶⁵ Athens Embassy to State Department, 24 January 1983, RRPL, SMOF, Executive Secretariat, NSC, Box 15.

⁶⁶ Papandreou’s letter to President Reagan, 4 February 1983, CREST, CIA-RDP85M00363R000701640003-5.

⁶⁷ Stearns (Athens) to State Department, Athens, 20 February 1983, RRPL, SMOF, Executive Secretariat, NSC, box 15.

⁶⁸ George Coats, ‘Haig Visit puts Papandreou to the Test on Bases,’ The Guardian, 15 May 1982.

⁶⁹ For more information on the genesis of the Greek peace movement, Evi Gkotzaridis, ‘“Who will Help me to Get Rid of this Man?”: Grigoris Lambrakis and the Non-Aligned Peace Movement Post-Civil War Greece: 1951–1964,’ Journal of Modern Greek Studies 30, no. 2 (2012): 299–338; Lykourgos Kourkouvelas, Greece and the Issue of Nuclear Weapons [in Greek] (Athens: Patakis, 2011), 146–50.

⁷⁰ Christos Markopoulos, With Andreas Papandreou and the World Peace Movement [in Greek] (Athens: Kastaniotis, 2005), 157.

⁷¹ Anti, vol. 194, December 11, 1981.

⁷² Thedoros Pagkalos, With Andreas in Europe [in Greek] (Athens: Patakis, 2011), 24.

⁷³ Ta NEA, 16 June 1981.

⁷⁴ Quoted in Wittner, The Struggle Against the Bomb, 163.

⁷⁵ John Iatrides, ‘Papandreou Foreign Policy,’ in Theodore C. Kariotis, ed., The Greek Socialist Experiment: Papandreou’s Greece 1981–1989 (New York: Pella Publishing, 1992), 139.

⁷⁶ Diplomatic Report by Sutherland (Athens) to FCO, 1 April 1982, TNA/FCO 9/3516. Also, Papoulias, Essays on Diplomacy and Politics, 138.

⁷⁷ Llewellyn-Smith (Athens) to Wilson (FCO), 28 January 1983, TNA/FCO 9/4039; Political Brief on Greece, 5 November 1983, FCO 9/4041. In October 1982 PASOK lost considerable ground to the Communists (PASOK won about 36% while the KKE about 23%).

⁷⁸ Hunt (FCO) to Llewellyn-Smith (Athens), 10 December 1982, TNA/FCO 9/3516.

⁷⁹ Llewellyn-Smith (Athens) to Wilson(FCO), 28 January 1983, TNA/FCO 9/4039.

⁸⁰ Marvine Howe, ‘Communists Press Greece to Toe Radical Line,’ The New York Times, 16 January 1983; Ta Nea, 14 and 30 December 1982.

⁸¹ Paul Anastasi, ‘Feint, Thrust And Parry Is Papandreou’s Style So Far,’ New York Times, 24 January 1982.

⁸² Christos Lyritzis, ‘Political Parties in Post-Junta Greece: A Case of Bureaucratic Clientelism?’, West European Politics 7, no. 2 (1984): 111; Stathis Kalyvas, ‘Polarization in Greek Politics: PASOK’s first Four Years, 1981–1985,’ Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora 23, no. 1 (1997): 82, 90; Kariotis, ‘The Rise and Fall of the Greek Sun,’ in Theodore Kariotis, ed., The Greek Socialist Experiment, 11–35.

⁸³ Jan Van Deth and Martin Elff, ‘Politicisation, Economic Development and Political Interest in Europe,’ European Journal of Political Research 43 (2004): 481–2.

⁸⁴ The Prime Ministers’ Speeches: Andreas Papandreou (Athens, 1983), 107.

⁸⁵ Mitsotakis, The Clashing Rocks, 174, 179–81; Peter Pappas, ‘The 18th October of Andreas Papandreou: Some Thoughts on a Democratic Cult of Personality,’ in Kariotis, ed., The Greek Socialist Experiment, 60.

⁸⁶ Richard Clogg, ‘PASOK in Power: Rendezvous with History or with Reality?’ The World Today 39, no. 11 (1983): 439.

⁸⁷ Exormisi, 16/17 July 1983.

⁸⁸ HPL, Parliament Debates, Third Period, Third Session, 31 October 1983, Athens, 827.

⁸⁹ Ibid., 836.

⁹⁰ Ibid., 819.

⁹¹ Note of PASOK’s Enlightenment Committee on the Bases Agreement, 27 July 1983, ELIA (Hellenic Literary & Historical Archive), Athens, Greece, Amalia Fleming Archive (hereafter: AFA), File 24/10.

⁹² Longworth (Sofia) to FCO, 5 April 1983, TNA/FCO 9/4079. Just prior to PASOK’s electoral victory, the Bulgarian leader Theodor Zhivkov had been seeking to revive the old Romanian idea for a Balkan NWFZ .

⁹³ Marvine Howe, ‘Greeks Are Told Timetable Is Due to Oust U.S. Bases,’ The New York Times, 23 November 1981.

⁹⁴ Note on the conclusion of a meeting of Greek officials on the possible consequences of a Balkan NWFZ, 1 April 1982, KKF/KKA, FILE 38B.

⁹⁵ ‘Greece and Rumania Urge Talks to Rid Balkans of Nuclear Arms,’ New York Times, 6 November 1982.

⁹⁶ Marvine Howe, ‘Greece Joins Soviet in Urging Deep Arms Cuts,’ New York Times, 25 February 1983.

⁹⁷ Note by Sutherland (Moscow) to FCO, 4 March 1983, FCO 46/3599.

⁹⁸ Press Release ‘General and Complete Disarmament is Greece’s Objective for Peace,’ New York, 23 May 1984, TNA/FCO 46/4172.

⁹⁹ Similar attempts at Balkan cooperation were made in the previous decade. See Eirini Karamouzi, ‘Managing the “Helsinki Spirit” in the Balkans: Greece’s Initiative for Balkan Cooperation, 1975–1976,’ Diplomacy & Statecraft 24, no. 4 (2013): 597–618.

¹⁰⁰ Donna Klick, ‘A Balkan Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone: Viability of the Regime and Implications for Crisis Management,’ Journal of Peace Research 24, no. 2 (1987): 111–24.

¹⁰¹ Athens Embassy to FCO, 17 May 1983, TNA/FCO 9/4079; also, TA NEA, 8 February 1984.

¹⁰² UK Delegation in NATO to FCO, 20 May 1983, TNA/FCO 9/4079.

¹⁰³ Llewellyn Smith (Athens) to FCO, 23 May 1983, TNA/FCO 9/4079.

¹⁰⁴ Report on Nuclear-Weapons-Free Zones, Proposals and Prospects, January 1984, CREST, CIA-RDP84S00895R000200070004-8.

¹⁰⁵ Llewellyn Smith (Athens) to FCO, 31 May 1983, TNA/FCO 9/4079.

¹⁰⁶ Madden (Athens) to FCO, 15 June 1983, TNA/FCO 46/3603; Figgis (Belgrade) to FCO, 17 June 1983, TNA/FCO 9/4079.

¹⁰⁷ Adriana Ierodiaconou, ‘Balkan Nations Postpone Talks on Regional Nuclear-Free Zone,’ Financial Times, 17 January 1984; Mario Modiano, ‘Nuclear Ban in Balkans Recedes into Future,’ Times, 14 February 1984.

¹⁰⁸ Hellenic Ministry of Foreign Affairs – Note on the Balkan NWFZ, KKF/KKA, File 38B, November 8, 1982.

¹⁰⁹ Marvine Howe, ‘Greeks Are Told Timetable Is Due to Oust U.S. Bases,’ New York Times, 23 November 1981.

¹¹⁰ Summary Record of NAC Ministerial Session, 14 June 1982, NATO Archives, C-R(82)27; NAC Memorandum, Report on the Situation in the Mediterranean November 1981-March 1982, 10 May 1982, NATO Archives, C-M(82)21(Final).

¹¹¹ Ta Nea, 7 January 1983. For the Warsaw Pact arms-control proposals, see, for instance Malcolm Byrne, ‘The Warsaw Pact and the Euromissile Crisis, 1977–1983,’ in Leopoldo Nuti et al., eds., The Euromissile Crisis and the End of the Cold War (Washington D.C. and Stanford, CA: Woodrow Wilson Center Press and Stanford University Press, 2015), 104–20.

¹¹² Ta Nea, 8 January 1983.

¹¹³ Stephen J. Cimbala, ‘Year of Maximum Danger? The 1983 “War Scare” and US-Soviet Deterrence,’ The Journal of Slavic Military Studies 13, no. 2 (2000): 1–24; Nate Jones, ed., Able Archer 83. The Secret History of the NATO Exercise That Almost Triggered Nuclear War (New York: The New Press, 2016), 5–24.

¹¹⁴ U.S. Secretary of State Shultz to all NATO capitals, 22 August 1983, TNA/FCO 9/4080.

¹¹⁵ Katapodis, Scattered Papers of my Diplomatic Life, 112.

¹¹⁶ Gozney (MoD) to FCO on INF: Greek Foreign Minister’s Proposal to Delay NATO Deployments, 17 August 1983, FCO 9/4080; Draft FCO Note on the Greek proposal to Postpone Deployment on INF Missiles, 22 August 1983, TNA/FCO 9/4080.

¹¹⁷ Telegram by Daunt, Bucharest, 9 January 1984, TNA/FCO 46/3618.

¹¹⁸ Paul Richardson, ‘1983: The Scariest Year,’ Russian Life (March/April 2013): 39–47.

¹¹⁹ John Wyles, ‘Greece Angers EEC Partners over Airliner,’ Financial Times, 13 September 1983.

¹²⁰ Telegram by Sutherland to FCO, Athens, 26 August 1983, TNA/FCO 9/4080.

¹²¹ Llewellyn Smith (Athens) to FCO, 25 August 1983, TNA/FCO 46/3599.

¹²² Wittner, The Struggle Against the Bomb, 163.

¹²³ Blanc (Stockholm) to Quai d’Orsay (Paris), 26 October 1984, Archives du Ministère des Affaires étrangères [hereafter: AMAE] 5257.

¹²⁴ Exormisi, 26/27 May 1984.

¹²⁵ The Four Continent Peace Initiative, 22 May 1984, European Nuclear Disarmament, LSE archives (henceforth END) END/19/16.

¹²⁶ The Four Continent Peace Initiative by PWO, New York, 22 May 1984, TNA/FCO 46/4172.

¹²⁷ Olafur Grimsson and Nicholas Dunlop, ‘Indira Gandhi and the Five Continent Initiative,’ Bulletin of Atomic Scientists 45, no. 1 (January 1985), 46.

¹²⁸ Letter by Pope John Paull II, 22 May 1984, TNA/FCO 46/4172; also, Exormisi, 2/3 June 1984.

¹²⁹ Report on Parliamentarians for World Order, New York, January 1984, END/20/6.

¹³⁰ Sergio Duarte, ‘Towards a World Free of Nuclear Weapons,’ Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Delhi, 9 June 2008, 4.

¹³¹ Gozney (MoD) to FCO, 11 June 1984, TNA/FCO 46/4172.

¹³² Andriana Ierodiaconou, ‘Papandreou and Zhivkov Condemn Space Weapons,’ Financial Times, 25 July 1985.

¹³³ Williams (Stockholm) to FCO, 25 October 1984, TNA/FCO 46/4172.

¹³⁴ John Elliott, ‘Gandhi Hosts Six-nation Nuclear Arms Talks / India,’ Financial Times, 29 January 1985.

¹³⁵ Initiative of the Six, Joint Communique of the ‘Six’ in New Delhi, 28 January 1985, ELIA/AFA, File 24/18.

¹³⁶ Christopher Paine, ‘The “Other Nations” Speak Up,’ Bulletin of Atomic Scientists 45, no. 2 (March 1985): 6–7; Mario Modiano, ‘Delhi Peace Initiative Endorsed in Athens,’ Times,1 February 1985.

¹³⁷ Initiative of the Six, Papandreou’s statements after the Delhi meeting, 29 January 1985, ELIA, AFA, File 24/18.

¹³⁸ Andriana Ierodiaconou, ‘Papandreou and Zhivkov Condemn Space Weapons,’ Financial Times, 25 July 1985.

¹³⁹ Kevin Done, ‘N-Test Ban Urged at Palme Memorial Service,’ Financial Times, 17 March 1986.

¹⁴⁰ ‘Six Nations Urge Ban on Nuclear Weapons Tests,’ The Times, 8 August 1986.

¹⁴¹ Saki Ruth Dockrill, The End of the Cold War Era: The Transformation of the Global Security Order (London: Hodder Arnold, 2005), 109–13.

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the Max Batley Peace Studies Fund.

Notes on contributors

Eirini Karamouzi

Eirini Karamouzi is a Senior Lecturer in Contemporary History at the University of Sheffield. She is the author of Greece, the EEC and the Cold War, 1974–1979: The Second Enlargement and co-editor of the volume Balkans in the Cold War. She is co-director of the Cultures of the Cold War network and Book Review Editor of the Journal of Contemporary History. She works on the history of European integration and Modern Greece, and currently runs as PI a Max Batley peace-studies funded project on peace movements in Southern Europe during the Euromissile Crisis. She tweets @EiriniKaramouzi.

Dionysios Chourchoulis

Dionysios Chourchoulis teaches History of International Relations at the Ionian University, and Greek History at the Hellenic Open University. He holds a PhD from the Department of History, Queen Mary University of London, and an MSc in History of International Relations from the LSE. His doctoral dissertation on the Southern Flank of NATO in the 1950s was published by Lexington Books as The Southern Flank of NATO, 1951–1959: Military Strategy or Political Stabilization. His academic interests include the history of international relations and broader security with a special focus on the Balkans, the eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East, and NATO strategy and politics. Chourchoulis has also published another monograph (in Greek) on the political biography of Themistocles Sofoulis, as well as several academic articles in peer-reviewed international and Greek journals and edited volumes. He has also participated in research programmes/projects focusing on Greece and the Cold War.