In search of more than a state: trajectories of political ordering and identity plurality in Somalia

Abstract

Past and present efforts at reconstructing a Somali state have centred on the long-standing claim that Somalis have constituted a ‘nation in search of a state’. Yet, casting Somali state trajectories in a historical light, this article shows that the Somali sociopolitical construct has always been much less homogenous and united than frequently depicted. Analysing Somali state-making endeavours from the final years of colonialism in the late 1950s to the politico-territorial fragmentation of the 1990s, I argue that Somalis have not only been in search of a state, but Somali society has been characterized by the emergence of plural political identities, inhibiting the consolidation of a national identity. I propose that the identity plurality has largely hinged on the volatility and multiplicity of institutions broadcasted in the context of changing politico-territorial orders. The article suggests that political identity in Somalia has been dynamic and fluctuating during the post-independence decades, that it hinged significantly on aspects of territorial ordering and concomitant institutional structures, and that the formation of a cohesive Somali national identity has in part been hampered by the governments’ inability to build and implement overarching political institutions. This carries important implications for contemporary efforts at addressing conflict and fragility in Somalia. Federalization and mini-state formation are likely to see regional identities trump its national counterpart. Yet, it might also spark a process in which political identities start overriding kinship ones, which has been a shared central policy objective of many governments of the past.

Keywords:

• Somalia
• Somaliland
• nationalism
• nation-building
• political identity
• state-building

Notes

1. In later years, this ‘homogeneity thesis’ came to be contested. See e.g. Adam (1993), Adan (1994), Besteman (1996a), Eno (2007), and Mukhtar (2007).

2. See footnote 1.

3. Ahmed Ibn Ibrahim Al-Ghazi «Gran» ruled the Muslim Somali state of Adal and waged ‘jihad’ (‘holy war’) against Christian Ethiopia. Sayid Mohamed Abdullahi Hassan «Guray» established the Dervish State and fought a ‘jihad’ against the colonial infidels between 1900 and 1920. See e.g. Hess (1964).

4. While e.g. «Guray» was frequently portrayed as the ‘father of modern Somali nationalism’ (Laitin, 1979b, p. 95f.), evidence suggests that his support was confined to the Dhulbahante and Warsangeli clans, while being opposed by the pro-British Isaaq (Laitin, 1979b, p. 96; Touval, 1963, p. 52). Moreover, «Guray’s» appeal rooted more in Islam than political nationalism (Gilkes, 1993, p. 4).

5. After having endorsed the continuation of French control in referendums in 1958 and 1967, French Somaliland became the Republic of Djibouti in 1977, refraining from joining the Somali union, despite historic, ethnic, and cultural linkages – challenging more conventional arguments about Somali nationalism.

6. ‘Haud’ is Somali for ‘south’ (Markakis, 1987, p. 55) and depicts a territory of rich pastureland to the south of British Somaliland. The Reserved Areas refer to a territorial strip between the north-western part of the Haud and Djibouti, today corresponding to parts of the administrative entity of Jijiga and Shinile.

7. Even in light of the Ogadeen War of 1977/1978, in which national fervour flared, it was observed that ‘[s]trong pro-Mogadishu feelings among Oromo were rare’ (Henze, 1985, p. 54).

8. While the SNL was mainly associated with the Isaaq clan-family, the USP enjoyed most support among the Dir and Daarood clan-families.

9. Interview with SNM veteran and former Somaliland government minister, Hargeysa, 10 February 2009; Interview with Somaliland government senior politician, Hargeysa, 8 July 2011; Interview with former Somaliland government minister, Hargyesa, 13 July 2011.

10. Interview with SNM veteran, Hargeysa, 19 July 2011.

11. This endeavour was also shown in the decision of the SYC and SNL to confine party membership to young men between the ages of fifteen and thirty in order to exclude from the party ‘reactionary elders who did not understand modern requirements’ (Castagno, 1964, p. 521).

12. Yet, the ‘anti-clannism law’ ‘was not generally implemented, for the new regime had no more effective control over tribal areas than had the colonial government’ (Hoben, 1988, p. 206).

13. The SRSP was founded between 26 June and 1 July 1976, with 74 members – 19 of whom had formerly belonged to the SRC – and had roughly 12,000 at the end of 1976 (Hughes, 1977, p. 49).

14. Inspired by movements in Saudi Arabia (Wahabiyya) and Egypt (Ikwaan al Muslimun), small religious groups had started to emerge in the early 1970s, actively promoting strict sharia rule.

15. For further details, see e.g. Africa Research Bulletin 1978 (cf. Samatar, 1988, p. 138). While the coup failed, it led to the formation of the first anti-government guerrilla movement, the Somali Salvation Front (SSF). In October 1981 the SSF renamed itself the Somali Salvation Democratic Front, regrouping the SSF, the Somali Workers’ Party, and the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Somalia.

16. While Mogadishu had about fifty thousand inhabitants in 1960, it had grown to over one million by the mid-1980s. Concurrently, Somalia’s urban annual growth rate rose from around 5.0–5.3% between 1950–1975 to 9.9% for the 1975–1980 era (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs [UNDESA], 2012).

17. According to some, this shortcoming of the Somaliland government was diametrically opposed to Barre’s government, which had managed to replace the clan as the most important service provider, thus effecting the retreat of clan identities and the emergence of nationalism (Interview with Somali consultant, Hargeysa, 27 July 2011; Interview with local researcher and former government official, Hargeysa, 4 August 2011).

18. Interview with entrepreneur and former journalist, Hargeysa, 4 July 2011; Interview with Somaliland intellectual, Hargeysa, 6 July 2011; Interview with member of parliament of Somaliland, Hargeysa, 21 July 2011; Interview with local NGO worker in Somaliland, Hargeysa, 31 July 2011; Interview with local researcher and former government official, Hargeysa, 4 August 2011.

19. See also Interview with local NGO worker in Somaliland, Hargeysa, 29 June 2011; Interview with former government official, Hargeysa, 8 July 2011; Interview with member of parliament of Somaliland, Hargeysa, 21 July 2011.