Through our indigenous greeting terms, we are identified: a study of Tshivenḓa from Tshimbupfhe, Vhembe District Municipality, Limpopo, South Africa

ABSTRACT

This study aimed to explore the importance of indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms as a means of social identification among Tshimbupfhe residents from the Vhembe District Municipality (VDM), South Africa. Indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms constitute a significant part of verbal behaviour through which the cultural practices of a society can be maintained as aspects of speakers’ identity. Disregarding these forms of greeting in any formal communication setting may result in a loss of identity, respect, and dignity, as well as causing misunderstandings, language shift, and death. The study adopted face-to-face semi-structured interviews to collect data. The theoretical framework used was the social identity theory (SIT). The findings of this study revealed that Tshivenḓa forms of greeting are not only for greeting purposes; they are also used as identity markers. Consequently, the study recommended that Tshivenḓa speakers, especially the youth, should not compromise on using their native forms of greeting, regardless of modernisation, as it is the only way that they can easily identify themselves and display politeness in any communication encounter. The study contributes to the maintenance and understanding of these forms of greeting as tools for identification.

KEYWORDS:

• Culture
• identity
• indigenous greeting terms
• sociolinguistic
• Tshivenḓa
• politeness

Introduction and background

Social identification refers to people’s self-categorisation concerning their group. The current study sought to explore the importance of indigenous Tshivenḓa forms of greeting, premised on a social identification perspective and underpinned by social identity theory (SIT), in Tshimbupfhe, Vhembe District Municipality (VDM), Limpopo, in South Africa. Tshimbupfhe is a rural area, a monolingual village composed of Tshivenḓa speakers only. This community falls under the traditional leadership of Senior Chief Ṋetshimbupfhe. Some members of the community still take their children to traditional schools such as murundu/muḽa (initiation school for boys) and vhusha/vhukomba (initiation school for girls) (Ladzani, 2014). Although the youth are taught respect through greeting at these initiation schools, the researchers observed that the youth in the area seem no longer to use these forms of greeting properly, and they seem to adopt other ways of addressing and greeting each other, such as bra yanga instead of saying khonani yanga, heita and hallo (which are foreign forms of greeting), instead of nndaa! (for men and boys) and Aa! (for women and girls). If the researchers’ observations hold true, the Tshivenḓa forms of greeting may die, which could cause Tshivenḓa customs, traditions, and culture to change as they are part of the Tshivenḓa language. The death of linguistic items may also be a precursor of the demise of Tshivenḓa culture in generations to come. These future generations could be adversely affected because they may never get to know these terms of address at all if they are not maintained and preserved. Perhaps the youth may fully discover the importance of maintaining this phenomenon among the Vhavenḓa nation and be conscientised of the danger of failing to keep them. This could encourage them to practise the custom properly. In turn, this would enable future generations to know and use these forms of greeting properly, resulting in self-identification. The findings of this study are expected to alleviate the dearth of knowledge about this social phenomenon among the Vhavenḓa people of South Africa, which has been the subject of little research so far, to the best knowledge of researchers. Indigenous forms of greeting are those that are spoken and used by the indigenous people of a region. They can be in the form of a word or title used to refer to a person directly (Salifu, 2010). Moreover, Lapapula (2012) focuses on one of the most common types of greeting (address) term used by Ghanaian university students for social identification and discovered that they used four different types of descriptive phrases, particularly those using the word ‘mate’. Contrastively, Dakubu (2000) in Ghana discovered that the Dangombas of the same age generally address or refer to one another by their given name or personal names. Age differences and kinship between speakers, however, circumscribe the modes of greeting speakers may use. People of the same age group greet each other by their first names. Elderly people also greet younger people by their first names, but younger people are not allowed to address or refer to adults by their first names (Dakubu, 2000). Moreover, Salifu (2010) in northern Ghana found that older persons have a higher status than younger persons and that wives are subordinate to their husbands. Ntshalintshali (1992) avows that these hierarchical relations are expressed and reinforced through different socio-cultural institutions and practices, including linguistic forms of behaviour, in her study of greeting terms in the isiZulu language.

Ntshalintshali (1992) discovered that Zulu people in South Africa have specific greeting terms and do not greet persons of various ages or positions informally. According to Ntshalintshali (1992), a speaker might express politeness by utilising a polite greeting phrase. By utilising phrases like ‘mnumzana’ (sir) or ‘nkosikazi’ (madam), courteous speakers grant their listeners the respect of a social or professional title. Matloga (2002), in his study about the Tshivenḓa forms of address, reasons that if the Vhavenḓa youth do not know about these forms of address, they may not pass this custom on to the next generation, and the loss of this potent indigenous practice may lead to the death of this phenomenon among the Vhavenḓa. Matloga (2002) goes on to posit that the morpheme ‘vho’ is the prefix of class among Vhavenḓa, as it is used to show respect and politeness, especially when greeting elderly people or people who hold senior positions in society.

According to Netswera and Nealer (2020), the Vhavenḓa people are not particularly populous, but they have a rich cultural past. The authors further state that Tshivenḓa culture is deeply connected to the spirit world and exhibits its beliefs and practices through art embellishments on buildings, ceramics, and woodcarving. Interestingly, they aver that Vhavenḓa customs differ from those of other ethnic groups. While honouring ancestors, Vhavenḓa beliefs include a white python and water spirits that must be nourished. Vhavenḓa traditions date back to the large walled villages that are found in Limpopo and Zimbabwe. The Vhavenḓa people and culture are said to have originated in the Mapungubwe Kingdom, which was created in the ninth century. They were initially controlled by King Shiriyadenga, whose territory spanned from Soutpansberg in southern Africa to the north, across the Limpopo River and the Matopos. The dominion dissolved in 1240, and control was rapidly transferred to the Great Zimbabwe Empire (Netswera & Nealer, 2020).

Within Tshimbupfhe communities, people still practise Tshivenḓa culture, traditions, and customs (Mudau et al., 2022). Children are still taken to initiation schools: Vhukomba, where young girls are taught about womanhood, and Murundu, where young boys are taught about manhood (Ladzani, 2014). Additionally, people within Tshimbupfhe communities, especially the youth, still practise some of the traditional dances, such as tshigommbela, malende, and tshifasi, which make Vhavenḓa proud and different from other tribes (Mudau et al., 2022). For these reasons, as indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms form an integral part of Tshivenḓa as a language, culture, and tradition, they should be maintained and preserved just like other cultural practices within Tshivenḓa culture to avoid their loss and maintain Vhavenḓa identity.

Recent studies explored forms of greeting in different languages, known as address forms or terms, but few studies have been done concerning Tshivenḓa forms of address. Matloga (2002) did a similar study, but his focus was on the youth. It is this identified lack of knowledge regarding this phenomenon among the Vhavenḓa people that compelled the researchers to embark on this study.

Therefore, the objective of the current study is to examine the importance of indigenous Tshivenḓa forms of greeting as a means of social identification among Vhavenḓa from VDM, South Africa.

Literature review

Forms of greeting and culture

Yule (2017, p. 306) defines greeting terms as ‘an important formulaic verbal behaviour that is well recognised within the sociolinguistic literature as they signal transactional, interpersonal, and deictic ramification in a human relationship’. Lee and Bowen (2006, p. 67) define culture as ‘a system of shared values and ideas, or a collection of acquired behaviours, which gives us a sense of belonging and identity in a specific culture.’

According to Salami (2004), who conducted research in a Yoruba community in Nigeria on the use of forms of greeting as a tool for social identification, reported that women are not permitted to use endearing nicknames or pet names for their husbands, such as ‘eleyingoolu’ (gold-toothed), or teknonyms terms like ‘Baba Tomi’ (Tomi’s father), when addressing them. Moreover, according to Salami (2004), it is improper for a wife to use the first name of her husband, and she is supposed to accept and uphold these phrases as a part of their culture and history. Similarly, Tlou (2018), based on a study she conducted in Zimbabwe, claims that improper use of forms of greeting has an influence on how people identify themselves in society and claims that borrowed forms of address are now a fact of life in Tshivenḓa. She also says that prefixation is used to create mixed morphological structures. This is carried out in at least two distinct languages. She discovered that Vhavenḓa in Zimbabwe, especially the younger generation, greet persons of various ages using terms like ‘butiza’ (brother), ‘geli’ (daughter), and ‘boyza’ (boy), which are improper in Tshivenḓa tradition. Furthermore, Mashiri (1999) claims that among peers in formal situations in Zimbabwe, first names are used in alternation with nicknames, terms of endearment, and pet names. Mashiri (1999) further avers those terms of greeting, including proper names, nicknames, titles, pronouns, and prefixes, which are commonly used in Shona, are derived from a multiplicity of modern and traditional sources. He goes on to say that the discussion focused on the types of names used by the Shona, their semantics, and the circumstances that motivated their creation. As a result, it was discovered that in Shona, parents can address their children using terms of endearment, with the intimacy marked by tone or by name contradictions, such as ‘Mandivavara’ (Mandi), ‘Tandiwe’ (Tandi), and ‘Mazviwana’ (Mazvi).

According to Akindele (2008), in Sesotho, one does not address one’s seniors the same way one addresses a person in one’s own age group. There should be a distinct approach to demonstrate respect and correct usage of forms of address.

In the Setswana culture, Ngoasheng (2006) reported that ‘Rra’ in Rra Pitso (Mr Pitso), ‘Mme’ in Mme Tsebe (Mrs Tsebe), and ‘Ngaka’ in Ngaka Setshedi (Dr Setshedi) are all Setswana titles. More significantly, the Setswana culture forbids young people from greeting their seniors by their first names without the use of titles since it is considered insulting, and the addressees lose their dignity as adults as a result. Ngoasheng (2006) asserts that forms of address are incredibly important in human connection and society since they are used for greeting and showing respect, and their use sustains greeting terms within the Setswana culture as a whole because forms of greeting are part of the culture as well.

Forms of greeting relate to identity formation and power relations in any society. Most importantly, greeting terms are valued by Africans as they mark respect and politeness. Ferris et al. (2014, p. 30) say: ‘Identity is about how individuals or groups see and define themselves and how other individuals or groups see and define them’. Lebrón (2013, p. 12) defines power relations as those ‘in which one person has social-formative power over another and is able to get the other person to do what they wish, whether by compelling obedience or in some less compulsive and even more subtle way.’ However, Afzali (2011) found a similar practice among the Iranians. He explored the forms of greeting (address) used by spouses in various socioeconomic strata in Iran as a means of social identification, as well as the sociolinguistic consequences of these forms of greeting. Furthermore, the study delves into the patterns that indicate the power and solidarity ties of spouses in Iran’s current culture. It was revealed that men often address women using their first names. In five cases, men addressed their wives with the word Khanon, which means ‘madam’, while others used a title and first name combination, such as Maryan Khanon, which means ‘Mrs Maryan’. Men rarely use any other term or use none at all to greet their spouses. Mudau et al. (2022) findings revealed that the Vhavenḓa identify each other through the use of indigenous forms of greeting. They further stated that failure to apply these indigenous forms of greeting properly, as part of Tshivenḓa as a language, culture, and tradition, can lead to disrespect, loss of dignity, loss of identity, misunderstanding, and loss of language as a whole. Additionally, it was discovered that Vhavenḓa identify their titles, social ranks, and kinship names through these indigenous forms of greeting. Thus, these indigenous forms of greeting in Tshivenḓa are valuable and should be used properly as they make the Vhavenḓa nation unique and identifiable.

Recent studies by Masha-Sambo et al. (2024) and Mabela and Ditsele (2024) argue for the preservation and promotion of African indigenous languages in South Africa. Their findings reveal that South African indigenous languages are important as they are intertwined with people’s culture and identity. While Mabela and Ditsele (2024) studied the intellectualisation of South African indigenous languages, such as isiNdebele, isiZulu, isiXhosa, Sepedi, Sesotho, Siswati, Setswana, Tshivenḓa, and Xitsonga, Masha-Sambo et al. (2024) studied the attitude of isiZulu L1 speakers towards other South African indigenous languages. Their findings reveal that for South African indigenous languages to be functional, they must be used for official purposes, and L1 speakers who are in the majority, such as isiZulu speakers, should embrace other languages that are spoken by minorities, such as Tshivenḓa and Xitsonga. What is common among the findings of these studies is the power of language in identity formation, a link between language and culture and their preservation. The authors of this article believe that if South African indigenous languages are intellectualised and used for official purposes, and the attitudes of the speakers are positive towards them, a fertile ground would be laid for them to grow, and their forms of address would grow, too.

Theoretical framework

Social identity theory

In social identity theory (SIT), a person’s understanding that he or she belongs to a social category or group is a social identity (Hogg & Abrams, 1988). A social group is defined as a group of people who share a common social identity or see themselves as belonging to the same category. According to Hogg and Abrams (1988), two processes involved in social identity, namely self-categorisation and social comparison, have different outcomes. They go on to state that categorising oneself increases perceived similarities with other members of one’s own group while downplaying perceived differences with members of other groups. Intergroup interactions (how people come to regard themselves as belonging to one group or category in comparison to an out-group) and the repercussions of this categorisation, such as centrism, are central to SIT (Turner, 1987).

We chose SIT because it assumes that people show all kinds of group behaviours, such as solidarity, to accomplish self-esteem. Therefore, this theory can be used to explore social classes on which Tshivenḓa forms of greeting are based, and as such, it is relevant to this study.

Methodology

A qualitative case study design was employed in this study. The qualitative approach is a method of gathering information in which the investigator observes the participants or directly asks them open-ended questions in face-to-face interaction. Creswell (2014, p. 124) defines a qualitative approach as ‘a method that is used to gather information in the form of interviews’. This is consistent with the view of Atieno (2009, p. 16), who asserts that qualitative research is ‘interpretive, it attempts to examine the entire scenario to assess its complexity and guarantee that the conclusion takes into account both unique and general variables’. This study used a qualitative approach and an interpretive paradigm since it allows participants’ experiences to be interpreted pragmatically and is based on participant perspectives rather than the researchers’ perspective (Creswell, 2014). It provides a thorough perspective on a few people and appears to appeal to people’s enjoyment of storytelling. The work fits within a case study design, i.e. within VDM communities, because it focuses on participants from a single locale.

The study conveniently sampled 28 participants, 18 of whom were youths and 10 were elderly participants (Nieuwenhuis, 2011). More youths were willing to participate than elderly persons. The youth group represented the youth view, while the elderly group represented the perspectives of senior citizens of the community. Both face-to-face, semi-structured interviews and focus group interviews were conducted with the participants in Tshimbupfhe, VDM, Limpopo, South Africa. Interviews were chosen because, through them, it was easier to clarify the meanings of questions for participants who needed clarification (Patton, 2001). Open-ended questions were often used to collect in-depth data. The other rationale behind choosing this type of interview was to create a comfortable environment for participants to give in-depth responses during the interviews in order to produce a qualitative understanding of the phenomenon under study (Patton, 2001).

Patton (2001, p. 51) defines a focus group interview as ‘a research method that brings together a small group of people to answer questions in a moderated setting’. He further states that the group is chosen according to predefined demographic traits, and questions are designed to cast light on a topic of interest. Two groups of youth with four participants each (n = 8) and two groups of elderly people with four participants each (n = 8) were selected for the focus group interviews. Focus group interviews were used in this study because, through them, participants assisted each other in answering questions. In other words, the dynamic group allows participants to build one another’s responses and generate ideas that might not have been thought of in individual interviews. Focus group and individual interviews were found to complement each other in eliciting answers to address the phenomenon being investigated.

We used an audio recorder to collect accurate responses from participants, and the researchers subsequently transcribed the interviews (Kumar, 2005). After transcribing the interviews, the researchers translated the data into English as they are Tshivenḓa linguists, since the interviews were conducted using the participants’ mother tongue, i.e. Tshivenḓa. After transcribing and translating the data, the researchers read them several times to familiarise themselves with the information gathered. There were no authorities that needed to provide permission regarding data collection. Consent was given by the participants, and for those who could not read and write (i.e. elderly participants), verbal consent was obtained before the interviews proceeded. Lastly, due to the small number of participants, the study’s findings cannot be generalised as they only apply to the community of Tshimbupfhe in the VDM.

A sample is a selection of the population from which the researcher chooses to collect data when conducting research (Mohammadi & Thelwall, 2014; Wilkinson & Birmingham, 2003; Williams, 2011). A convenience sampling technique was adopted for the study because the researchers approached participants who were convenient to them and willing to participate. According to Williams (2011), the data-collecting technique is the systematic process of acquiring and assessing information on variables of interest to answer specified research questions and evaluate outcomes.

Regarding data analysis, Kumar (2005) posits that the data collected must be interpreted and converted into research findings. Data analysis is the process of evaluating acquired data to draw conclusions that will answer the research questions (Kumar, 2005). The method of analysing data in qualitative research begins with defining and organising the data analysis aim, then proceeds with constructing themes to include the data through a process of condensing the codes, and concludes with showing the data in a conversation (Williams, 2011). In accordance with Saldaña’s (2021) procedure for analysing data, the participants’ responses were recorded, and transcriptions were created for a better interpretation of the data. The data gathered were coded and classified, and themes were developed.

Data presentation and discussion

The subsections that follow provide critiques and analyses of the data provided by the participants regarding the significance of indigenous Tshivenḓa forms of greeting as a tool for establishing social identity among Vhavenḓa in the VDM, South Africa. The following five themes were derived from the semi-structured individual interviews and focus group interviews.

Theme 1: indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms as a means of social identification

The current study revealed that the Vhavenḓa identify each other through the use of indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms. The findings attained from the data revealed that failure to properly practise these greeting terms as part of Tshivenḓa language, culture, and tradition may lead to disrespect, loss of dignity, loss of identity, misunderstanding, and a shift away of tradition and custom. It was discovered that Vhavenḓa identify their titles, social ranks, and kinship names through these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms. One of the participants in the face-to-face interviews stated that ‘We identify people by titles and kinship names through indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms, such as makhadzi (aunt), malume (uncle), and makhulu (grandparent). If we fail to use these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms properly as a form of identifying ourselves as Vhavenḓa, without any confusion or misunderstanding, that can cause regret in the end. So, greeting terms in Tshivenḓa should be used.’ Similarly, a participant in Focus Group 1 (youth) mentioned that ‘We easily identify one another as Vhavenḓa through our greeting terms, such as baba (father), mulamu (brother-in-law). We know these greeting terms, but we hardly use them. Indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms should be used to avoid disrespect among Vhavenḓa because we respect each other through these greeting terms.’ A participant in Focus Group 3 (elderly) stated, ‘As Vhavenḓa people, we are known by how we greet each other, and it is unique compared to other tribes. We use these greeting terms not only to greet but also to identify each other, as well as showing respect and politeness.’

The quotes above indicate that participants view these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms as valuable. They should be used properly as they make the Vhavenḓa nation unique. These terms afford the addressee respect, dignity, and some form of endearment in society. Furthermore, the findings of the study revealed that through the preservation and maintenance of greeting terms in Tshivenḓa, there cannot be any loss of identification among Tshivenḓa interlocutors when they communicate. One of the participants in the face-to-face interviews responded, ‘As Vhavenḓa, we identify each other through these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms. Failure to apply them will lead to serious misunderstandings, and elders can end up feeling disrespected as a result. For example, in Tshivenḓa, we do not address an elderly person using his or her first name. We can rather insert “vho” before the name if we do not know the person at all. If we know the person, we can address them by their children’s name, for example, “mme a Tsiko” (Tsiko’s mother), or using kinship terms such as “malume” (uncle), “makhadzi” (aunt), makhulu (granny), to mention a few.’ The findings of the current study further clarified those indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms that form part of Vhavenḓa culture and tradition. A participant in Focus Group 2 (youth) stated that ‘We find indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms very important as they are the only way we have to address and identify each other in a simple, fair, and respectful manner, for example, “nndaa!” (hello!), “vho vuwa hani makhadzi?” (How are you, aunt?). This is a respectful way of addressing or greeting in Tshivenḓa.’ A participant in Focus Group 3 (elderly) stated, ‘It is through these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms that we identify and show respect to each other easily, without any misunderstanding or disrespect, especially between the youth and elders.’ Therefore, indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms should be used freely and proudly as a means of maintaining and preserving them. Social identity theory was adopted in this study because, according to this theory, individuals construct their own identities in relation to social groups, and these identifications protect and strengthen self-identity.

Theme 2: indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms as a fundamental aspect of Tshivenḓa culture

The findings further affirmed that indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms form part of culture and tradition and should thus be used freely and proudly by the native speakers of the Tshivenḓa language. To support this view, another participant among the elderly avowed that ‘Indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms form part of Tshivenḓa as a language, culture, and tradition, so it is important to use these terms to maintain our culture and identity. It is through indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms that we show respect and effectiveness of communication among us without any misunderstandings, as these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms form part of Tshivenḓa as our native language.’ Similarly, a participant in Focus Group 3 (elderly) stated, ‘As Vhavenḓa, we identify each other through these indigenous Tshivenḓa greetings as they form part of Tshivenḓa as a language, culture, and tradition. If these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms are not in use, our culture will be affected as people will adopt other ways of addressing or greeting one another, and in so doing, our language will shift, and these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms could die. So, these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms should be used as a form of social identification in our lifetime.’ The findings of the current study are congruent with those of Afzali (2011) regarding the forms of address of spouses in various social strata in Iran as a means of social identification, as well as their sociolinguistic implications. However, the study further discusses the patterns that reflect the power and solidarity between spouses in the present society of Iran.

Theme 3: indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms as a tool for language maintenance

The findings of this study illustrated that maintaining the Tshivenḓa greeting terms and using them daily may prevent people from losing their language or adopting other ways of greeting one another. The findings further indicated that if these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms are not used properly, a language shift could occur automatically as there would be no one using them. One of the elderly participants stated that ‘Indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms should be maintained because they are part of Tshivenḓa, and people should also think of the coming generation; if they are not fully maintained, the coming generation will know nothing at all about these indigenous Tshivenḓa forms of address. As an elder, I will not live forever, and as time goes by, the youth will become elders. So, what are they going to teach the coming generation if these address terms in Tshivenḓa are not fully maintained and used properly? Maintaining these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms is not a waste of time at all.’ A participant in Focus Group 4 (elderly) shared the same perspective, stating that ‘If these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms are not used properly, an automatic language shift could happen because there would be no one using the terms. It could also affect Tshivenḓa as a language, culture, and tradition because these Tshivenḓa greeting terms form part of language, culture, and tradition.’ Interestingly, a participant in Focus Group 3 (elderly) mentioned that ‘Failure to use these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms will lead to the adoption of other ways of addressing each other as Vhavenḓa, which would lead to a language shift. Therefore, it is important for us as Vhavenḓa to use these greeting terms always as a means of preserving our language and to avoid a language shift.’

The current study concurs with the findings of Akindele (2008), who reports that forms of address among the Basotho are derived from various titles, such as kinship names, ranks, professions, etc. Akindele (2008) gave examples such as ‘ntate’ (father), ‘morena’ (chief), and ‘moruti’ (pastor). He further stated that forms of address can only be maintained through their usage. Failure to use them could be a precursor to their death, which could affect the whole language.

Theme 4: indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms as a means of maintaining linguistic rights

Chapter 2 of the South African Bill of Rights (1996, p. 5) states that ‘persons belonging to a cultural, religious, or linguistic community may not be denied the right, with other members of a community to enjoy their culture, practice their religion and use their language. Secondly, to form, join and maintain cultural, religious and linguistic associations and other organs of civil society’. It is, therefore, emphasised that there must be mutual respect among diverse cultural, religious, and linguistic communities.

The findings of the current study showed that the Bill of Rights allows South Africans to use their respective languages and practice their culture and traditions; therefore, Vhavenḓa should be proud to freely use indigenous Tshivenḓa forms of greeting. The findings of the study show that it is the responsibility of those living in a democratic country to preserve this practice in order to maintain their linguistic and cultural rights. As indigenous Tshivenḓa forms of greeting are part of Tshivenḓa language and culture, it is Vhavenḓa’s responsibility to maintain them. One of the participants, an educator among the youth, stated that ‘Democracy came to ease the way in which we should live as South Africans, so it is also an advantage that we can be able to use indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms freely and proudly. Therefore, democracy does not have to change the way in which we address each other. We should stick to indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms without using other ways of addressing each other because there is value in these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms.’ In the very same vein, a participant in Focus Group 4 (elderly) avowed that ‘As Vhavenḓa, we identify each other through these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms, so there is value in them as they form part of Tshivenḓa as a language, culture, and tradition. So, these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms should be used even if we are living in a democratic South Africa.’

The findings of this study concur with Mudau et al.’s (2022) findings, which showed that indigenous Tshivenḓa terms of greeting differentiate Vhavenḓa from other cultures in terms of how they address and show respect to each other. In short, they are able to identify each other through these diverse terms of address.

Theme 5: use of indigenous greeting terms as a sign of respect and politeness

The findings of this study revealed that once people get married, they no longer address each other by their first names, especially when they find themselves in public places or in the presence of their elders. If they call each other by their first names, and especially a wife addresses her husband by his first name, she is regarded as lacking respect and good manners. The findings of the study further showed that when a couple is blessed with a child, the manner in which they address each other changes immediately to ‘khotsi a X’ (X’s father) and ‘mme a X’ (X’s mother). The change also affects the terms identifying the grandparents, who are now addressed as ‘Makhulu wa X’ (X’s grandparent). This form of greeting is highly regarded among the Vhavenḓa in the VDM. One of the participants stated, ‘My family taught me how to take care of my husband and family before I got married. They made it clear that I should respect my partner regardless of everything that might be happening. So, in public, I maintain the dignity of my family as a whole and address my partner as “Vhalaudzi”; in private, I address him as “mukalaha wanga” or “khotsi a Shumani”.’

Even if a couple does not have a child yet, they can insert the honorary title marker ‘vho’ before their first names or surnames to show respect and politeness and maintain the dignity of their family.

A participant in Focus Group 3 (elderly) indicated that ‘If these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms are not in use at all or are not used properly, unnecessary misunderstandings and disrespect can occur. So, it is vital to use them properly every day, as they make communication much easier among Vhavenḓa with regard to addressing one another. We respect each other and show politeness when we use these greeting terms.’

The findings of the current study concur with those of Salifu (2010), who found that older persons in northern Ghana have a higher status than younger persons do and that wives are subordinate to their husbands. Salifu (2010) avows that these hierarchical relations are expressed and reinforced through different socio-cultural institutions and practices, including linguistic behaviours.

Theme 6: the importance of traditional schools in maintaining indigenous greeting terms

According to the findings of this study, enrolling the new generation in traditional schools can help them know who they are and make them proud of their indigenous greeting terms. In Focus Group 1 (youth), it was stated that ‘Attending traditional schools could give a very strong background and understanding of these indigenous greeting terms and their importance among the young generation of Vhavenḓa from Tshimbupfhe.’ Interestingly, in Focus Group 3 (elderly), it was indicated that ‘Traditional schools are the only way to maintain and preserve these indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms because the young ones will grow up with an understanding of how these greeting terms work, as they form part of Tshivenḓa as a language, culture, and tradition, and they will use them properly on a daily basis and preserve them by doing so.’ The findings further revealed that when children attend traditional schools, they use Tshivenḓa to communicate. This inherently means that indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms will be appropriately and politely used, as they form part of Tshivenḓa as a language and culture, and in so doing, indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms can be maintained. A participant in Focus Group 2 (youth) stated, ‘It is obvious that when the young generation is in traditional schools, these indigenous greeting terms will be used more often, and in that way, the terms can be preserved. Even those of us who do not always use them might have a good understanding and start using them more often because knowing them and using them are not the same.’

Theme 7: indigenous greeting terms as part of school syllabi

The findings of this study revealed that children should be taught about indigenous Tshivenḓa forms of address from pre-school to the secondary level so that they can grow up with an understanding of these greeting terms and how they should be used. A participant in Focus Group 3 (elderly) averred that ‘Indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms and their significance should be taught from pre-school so that the young generation can grow up understanding their importance and knowing their identity as Muvenḓa.’

In addition, the findings revealed that parents/guardians should consider taking their children to schools where they offer Tshivenḓa as their home language rather than taking them to former Model C or private schools where they learn English and Afrikaans and not their native language. In Focus Group 3 (elderly), it was mentioned that ‘To maintain and preserve indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms, parents and guardians should consider taking their children to schools where Tshivenḓa is offered so that these greeting terms can be learnt in detail. In so doing, even the young ones can easily know and understand that through their greeting terms, they are identified.’

Interestingly, the findings of this study further discovered that the young generation could not see the value in these indigenous greeting terms because they are exposed to an environment where they do not learn their native language. In Focus Group 4 (elderly), it was stated that ‘The young generation cannot know the importance of these indigenous Tshivenḓa greetings as they are not exposed to an environment where they learn and practise them. As a result, they may end up not knowing how important these indigenous Tshivenḓa terms of address are to them as Vhavenḓa.’

The views expressed in the quotes above are congruent with social identity theory, wherein culture is seen as a factor in creating meaning in communication. Interlocutors understand each other better if they fully comprehend each other’s cultures.

The data collection method employed in this study allowed the researchers to triangulate the findings. In triangulating data, researchers attempt to consolidate evidence, enhancing the credibility of conclusions regarding the phenomenon being addressed (Rapley, 2007). Therefore, by scrutinising the information acquired through diverse approaches, i.e. face-to-face semi-structured interviews and focus group interviews, the researchers confirmed findings across data sets and so lessened the impact of any biases that could have been in place. Fischer (2006) buttresses this notion, stating that triangulation protects the researcher against allegations that a study’s conclusions are solely an artefact of a single technique, a single source, or a single investigator’s bias. By analysing information acquired through diverse approaches, researchers may evaluate findings spanning data sets and so lessen the influence of any biases that can occur in a single study. This is supported by Berg (2009), who avers that triangulation provides the researcher with a sentinel against the accusation that a study’s conclusions are just the result of a single technique or a single investigator’s bias. In the current study, the researchers used both face-to-face and focus group interviews to help them achieve the best results.

Conclusion

In light of the empirical findings, the current study accomplished its objective of exploring the importance of indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms as a means of social identification. The findings of this study revealed that some participants, mainly the elderly, know these forms of address and use them, while the youth know them but seldom use them. Data from both youths and elderly participants concur that Tshivenḓa forms of address play a pivotal role in identifying speakers of the language and showing respect between interlocutors. Through their forms of greeting, Vhavenḓa from the VDM are identified because their forms of greetings are so unique to their culture. The findings of the study illustrated that indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms are important as they are intertwined with Tshivenḓa as a language, culture, and tradition of the Vhavenḓa people. Vhavenḓa people are identifiable in social settings through these forms of greeting. The findings of this study further illustrated that, indeed, the indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms are important, and Tshivenḓa speakers see value in them as they function as symbols of respect and politeness. Additionally, the findings of this study revealed that through their use of these terms, the Vhavenḓa people can maintain their language for future generations and prevent language shift. Consequently, it is recommended that indigenous Tshivenḓa greeting terms be passed on to the next generation for them to be preserved. The importance of greeting terms should be taught from early childhood so that children can grow up with the knowledge and understanding of these terms. Tshivenḓa speakers should not compromise on using their native language as a means of maintaining their greeting terms as they form an integral part of Tshivenḓa language, culture, and identity.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank the citizens of the VDM, South Africa, where the data were gathered through face-to-face semi-structured interviews and focus group interviews.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Phethani Progress Mudau

Phethani Progress Mudau is currently affiliated with the Department of Applied Languages, Faculty of Humanities, Tshwane University of Technology, Pretoria, South Africa. His research interests are in Sociolinguistics, indigenous forms of address, politeness, Cultural and Linguistic studies.

Itani Peter Mandende

Itani Peter Mandende is a Senior lecturer in the Department of Applied Languages, Faculty of Humanities, Tshwane University of Technology, Pretoria, South Africa. His research interests are in Sociolinguistics, Cultural and Linguistic studies, Traditional and Modern literature.

Maria Mushaathoni

Maria Mushaathoni is currently affliliated with the Department of Journalism and Intergrated Communication, Faculy of Humanities, Tshwane University of Technology, Pretoria, South Africa. Her research interests are in language, culture, and communication, specifically Communication theory, Intercultural Communication, Organisational communication, communication for specific purposes, social media, and effects of motivation and attitude on language proficiency.