From hostile skepticism to strategic utilization: how the Brazilian landless movement learned from repression to use legislation

Abstract

This paper explores the evolution of the Landless Movement’s practices with respect to legislation and public policy from the 1980s to the Temer government, which took power after Dilma Rousseff was removed from the Presidency in 2016. The main argument is that the movement has learned over time, from viewing government with hostile skepticism, to understanding its relationship with different administrations in terms of strategic utilization. Central to this argument is that instead of the government’s use of repression contributing to demobilization, a variety of acts initially intended to suppress the movement subsequently provided the Landless Movement with knowledge on institutions, policies, and laws. Such lessons contributed to the movement’s ability to address a variety of its internal weaknesses. How lessons have been acquired, as well as how the movement has altered its approach with respect to the state, becomes apparent in subnational comparisons and in charting developments in the movement’s approach to federal legislation over time. Actual changes in the movement, most notably in terms of leadership, organization, and tactics, have taken place, making it well-prepared to confront the Temer administration’s efforts to suppress mobilization.

Keywords:

• Landless movement
• Brazil
• learning
• repression
• education

Notes

1. In Paraná, I attended the Escola Milton Santos (Milton Santos School), the Centro de Desenvolvimento Sustentável e Capacitação em Agroecologia (the Center for Sustainable Development and Tranining in Agroecology or CEAGRO), and the Instituto Tecnológico e Educacional de Pesquisa da Reforma Agrária (the Educational and Technological Institute for Research on Agrarian Reform, ITEPA) – and in Rio Grande do Sul, the Instituto Educar (Education Institute). In Pernambuco, I stayed one week at a school outside of Caruaru. On many occasions, I visited the Instituto Técnico de Capacitação e Pesquisa da Reforma Agrária (Technical Institute for Capacity-Building and Research on Agrarian Reform or ITERRA) and the Escola Nacional Florestan Fernandes (Florestan Fernandes National School or ENFF), respectively, in Rio Grande do Sul and São Paulo. Concerning cooperatives, I visited COOPAVA in Sao Paulo, as well as COOPTAR, COOPAN, and COONATERRA in Rio Grande do Sul. I interviewed members in each, as well as from COAGRI in Sao Paulo and COPAVI in Parana.

2. These sites are CEAGRO, ITEPA, the ELAA (Escola LatinoAmericana de Agroecologia), and the Escola Milton Santos.

3. A resolução is a legally binding order concerning a public policy. An instrução clarifies the meaning of policies.

4. The schools reopened in 2012. They also exist in Alagoas, Santa Catarina, and Goias.

5. The first school administered by MST leaders emerged in the early 1980s in Rio Grande do Sul. The Landless Movement claims to have pressured state authorities to construct over 2000 schools where more than 350,000 people have learned to read and write, with another 350,000 individuals having attended classes taught by over 4,000 movement-trained teachers.

6. Programs exist in Amapá, Amazonas, Pará, Maranhão, Ceará, Piauí, Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Alagoas, Sergipe, Bahia, Tocantins, Goiás, Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, Paraná, Santa Catarina, and Roraima. Rio Grande do Sul in 2012 formed a committee to discuss the program. Acre, Pernambuco, Espirito Santo, São Paulo, and Rondônia do not have a program.

7. The IEJC is a private high school physically located in ITERRA.