Social Movements of Irregular Migrants, Recognition, and Citizenship

Abstract

Irregular migration is an important issue in contemporary societies. This article explores the changing position of irregular migrants from two angles. First, we analyse the impact of irregular migration on conceptions of rights and citizenship. This is of particular interest at a time when even the rights of ‘regular’ migrants are subject to much debate and analysis. Second, we analyse the role of mobilisations by irregular migrants and their supporters. We discuss scholarly debates about how to understand such mobilisations, as well as drawing on specific examples from France and the UK. We argue that the analysis of the claims that underpin irregular migrants' mobilisations should offer more space to their voices instead of those of their supporters. In so doing, we stress the importance of their everyday struggle for existence rather than for citizenship and human rights.

La migración irregular es un tema importante en las sociedades contemporáneas. Este artículo explora la posición cambiante de los migrantes irregulares desde dos ángulos. Primero, analizamos el impacto de la migración irregular bajo el concepto de los derechos y la ciudadanía. Esto es especialmente interesante, en un momento en que hasta los derechos de los migrantes ‘regulares’ están sujetos a gran debate y análisis. Segundo, analizamos el rol de las movilizaciones de migrantes irregulares y sus defensores. Discutimos los debates académicos sobre cómo entender tales movilizaciones, como también obtenemos ejemplos específicos de Francia y el Reino Unido. Sostenemos que el análisis de las nociones que confirman las movilizaciones de los migrantes irregulares, deberían dar un espacio mayor a sus voces y no a las de sus defensores. De este modo, destacamos la importancia de su lucha diaria por la existencia, en vez de por la ciudadanía y los derechos humanos.

非正规移民是当代社会一个重要问题。本文从两个角度探讨非正规移民的地位变化。首先，我们分析非正规移民对权利和公民身份观产生的影响。即使是在“正规”移民的权利也饱受争议、分析众多之时，非正规移民也特别有意思。其次，我们分析非正规移民及其支持者动员的作用。我们讨论关于如何理解这些运动的学术争论，也从法国和英国提取一些具体事例。我们认为，那些以支持非正规移民动员主张为对象的分析，应该是给那些移民而非他们的支持者提供更多发声空间。这样一来，我们强调他们为日常生存而斗争的重要性，而非为公民身份和人权而斗争。

Keywords:

• irregular migrants
• collective action
• social movements
• mobilisation
• recognition
• citizenship
• globalisation

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank Sandro Cattacin for his inputs, the anonymous reviewers to this journal who helped us to improve the quality of this article, our colleagues in the Department of Sociology, City University London, especially Leah Bassel, Alice Bloch, Liza Schuster and Frank Webster, for providing a supportive environment for our work, and Linnet Taylor who undertook the proofreading of this article. A first version of this article was presented at the Institute for Research on Migration, Ethnicity and Society Symposium at Linköping University in May 2009 and at the World Congress of Sociology in July 2010 in Gothenburg within the framework of the Research Committee on Racism, Nationalism and Ethnic Relations (RC05). We are grateful to the organisers, discussants, chairs, and other participants of these events for their useful comments.

Notes

We borrow the term ‘super citizen’ from Kate Nash (2009) and ‘denizen’ from Hammar (2000).

For an overview, see Schuster and Solomos (2002).

It is often noted in the literature that irregular migrants behave in such a way as to be identified by the police as good citizens (Bloch et al., 2009; Chimienti et al., 2003; Siméant, 1998): they pay their taxes, they pay their bus ticket and TV rental charge, they give up their seats on public transport for those in need, they do not commit any crimes, etc.

On this issue, see Bassel and Lloyd (2011).

Although Audard (2000, p. 977) addressed this critique to universalist perspectives influenced by the Enlightenment period, we will show that even cosmopolitan perspectives are not exempt from this risk.

The idea of this article rose from qualitative research on the mobilisations of contemporary vulnerable groups including irregular migrants in four cities, including London and Paris, conducted from 2008 to 2009 (for a first account on the mobilization of irregular migrants in Europe, see Chimienti, 2011).

Respectively French Minister of Interior and Minister of Employment at the time.

French Home Secretary at that time.

The term ‘chosen’ migration was used in opposition to ‘endured’ migration by Nicolas Sarkozy in his preliminary presentation when he proposed a bill on immigration and integration to the National Assembly on 2 May 2006. The notion of ‘managed migration’ was introduced by the Home Office in the 2005 Immigration, Asylum and Nationality Bill.

At that time Nicolas Sarkozy was the French Minister of the Interior.

This important fluctuation in the estimates highlights the fact that there are no reliable data about irregular migrants in France (Triandafyllidou, 2010).

For an explanation of these differences, see Chimienti (2011).

See Strangers into citizens (2008) at http://www.strangersintocitizens.org.uk.

As also demonstrated by Marta Roca I Escoda about the case of homosexuals' social movements (2010).

Translated by us. ‘[Ces revendications sont l'expression d'une aspiration à] obtenir un bien qui ne se lit pas seulement du côté objectif de ce qui est demandé—le bien à distribuer—, mais aussi du côté subjectif de la personne qui le demande : en tant qu'aspiration, celle-ci exprime bien quelque chose de la personne qui en est le sujet’ (Hunyadi, 2003, p. 51).

Kein Mensch Ist Illegal/No one is Illegal and the NoBorders Network (see their websites, respectively: http://www.noii.org.uk/no-one-is-illegal-manifesto/ and http://www.noborder.org/). These are networks coordinating a number of national irregular migrants' organisations, including their presence at the European Social Forums.

They could be trade unions, anti-globalisation protesters, associations, academics, etc.

For a critique of Gordon's analysis, see McNevin (2009).

In some countries where these rights are well implemented irregular migrants seem to cope with their situation in a better way than those with a humanitarian permit of stay (Chimienti & Achermann, 2007).

Extreme actions used by irregular migrants such as hunger strikes or sewing their lips (as 70 Afghans did in 2002 in Australia to protest against their indefinite detention) are inscribed in this logic.

Translated by us. ‘[ … Un vice profond: celui qui consiste à] réduire l'humanité à un prototype abstrait, an-historique et désincarné, et à lui attribuer des droits ou des propriétés universelles sans s'occuper de savoir si vraiment tous les êtres humains peuvent se reconnaître dans ce modèle’.