The human development and capabilities approach as a twenty-first century ideology of globalization

ABSTRACT

While many scholars have analysed neo-liberalism (i.e. market globalism) as an ideology of globalization, much less is known about alternative and emerging ideologies that challenge neoliberalism on a global scale. Addressing this gap, I critically examine the ‘human development and capabilities approach’ (HDCA) as a counter-ideology to neoliberalism promoted by the United Nations. Applying morphological discourse analysis and incorporating critical insights from recent work by Manfred Steger and Paul James, this study demonstrates how the HDCA (i.e. capabilities globalism) functions as a well-developed ideology steeped in a global imaginary. Yet, despite having multiple strengths, HDCA morphology and deployment have limited its potential global resonance. In response, I propose that an ideology committed to global human development should take more seriously four pivotal factors: state capacity, solidarity, spirituality, and the role of intergovernmental bodies like the United Nations.

KEYWORDS:

• Capabilities approach
• discourse analysis
• globalization
• human development
• ideology
• neoliberalism

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1 The United Nations as the most global and comprehensive intergovernmental organization in recorded history has adopted many ideas from the HDCA and has given it fairly strong institutional backing despite the fact that none of the world's most powerful states (i.e. those who mostly finance the UN) actively endorse this ideology (e.g. Thérien, 2012, 2015; Joshi & O’Dell, 2013, 2017).

2 Core concepts of the HDCA differ from those of justice globalism. The latter include ‘distributional justice, equity, rights, transnational solidarity, sustainability, and diversity’ (Steger & James, 2019, p. 86; cf Steger et al., 2013).

3 These reports published by the Human Development Reports Office of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) have been popular with public audiences as measured by global mass media coverage and academic scholarship (Joshi & O’Dell, 2015, 2017).

4 According to the UNDP (1994, p. 22), ‘human security is a child who did not die, a disease that did not spread, a job that was not cut, an ethnic tension that did not explode in violence, a dissident who was not silenced. Human security is not a concern with weapons - it is a concern with human life and dignity’.

5 Scholars and practitioners have argued that the MDGs and SDGs would have either not existed or taken a very different shape were it not for the HDCA motivating and legitimating their globalized adoption (e.g. Fukuda-Parr, 2011, 2016).

6 Steger and James (2019, p. 80) define ideologies as ‘patterned public clusters of normatively imbued ideas, metaphors, narratives, and concepts, including particular representations of power relations. These conceptual maps help people navigate the complexity of their political universe and carry claims to social truth’.

7 The ‘HDCA Introductory Reading List’ was available at: https://hd-ca.org/publication-and-resources/introductory-recommended-readings (accessed on February 21, 2017). 

8 Amounting to over 2000 pages of text, the list combines 7 briefing notes (Acuña-Alfaro, 2006; Alkire, 2005a; Anonymous, 2007; Deneulin & Crocker, 2006; Frediani, 2006; Martins, 2005; Vizard, 2006), 9 articles (Alkire, 2002a, 2005b; Nussbaum, 1993, 2003; Robeyns, 2005, 2011; Sen, 1988, 1989, 1993), and 8 monographs (Alkire, 2002b; Deneulin & Shahani, 2009; Fukuda-Parr & Shiva Kumar, 2009; Nussbaum, 2000, 2011; Sen, 1995, 1999, 2009).

9 As Robeyns (2005) notes, there are differences among certain authors such as between Sen and Nussbaum regarding how one ascertains which capabilities are most essential but overall these differences pale in comparison to a greater overlapping consensus.

10 In the HDCA, ‘progress’, ‘development’, ‘poverty reduction’ and ‘freedom’ are all de-contested and defined with reference to the expansion of people's capabilities.

11 While some people can use money to buy better healthcare, many people are excluded from healthcare systems or specific treatments due to rules governing ‘eligibility’, ‘citizenship’, or ‘pre-existing conditions’.

12 From this perspective, democracy has intrinsic, instrumental, and constructive value (Sen, 1999; Drèze & Sen, 2002).

13 According to Steger and James (2019, p. 132), ‘critical’ analysis ‘signifies a discerning mode of thought capable of judging the quality of a thing or a person by separating its constitutive form from mere attributes’.

14 An interesting working paper by Alkire and Ritchie (2007) on what makes ideas spread is an exception.

15 In this respect, the HDCA seems at times almost like a kind of soft neo-liberalism. As Jolly (2003) points out, the HDCA and neo-liberalism diverge in certain respects but also share certain commonalities.

16 Relatedly, HDCA ideology's concomitant rejection of nationalism(s) might limit its diffusion given the continuing appeal of the national imaginary and various sub-national imaginaries in much of the world.

17 Regrettably, such under-emphasis on building trans-local and trans-national solidarity may contribute to scapegoating or hate-mongering against racial minorities, women, immigrants, or other marginalized groups.

18 HDCA ideology is also potentially radical in the sense that it steers ‘development’ activity and thinking away from states’ maximization of GDP towards individuals’ maximization of agency and capabilities.

19 HDCA supporters can be seen as ‘para-makers’ as opposed to ‘para-keepers’ (Steger & James, 2019, p. 12).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Devin K. Joshi

Devin Joshi is an Associate Professor in the School of Social Sciences at Singapore Management University. Co-author of the book Strengthening Governance Globally, his recent articles appear in International Studies Quarterly, Journal of Peace Research and World Development.