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Abstract
In response to exclusionary globalisation processes, Bolivia forms part of a wider Latin American return to regionalism and nationalism. With the indigenous president Morales, Bolivia distances itself from ‘imposed’ neoliberal policies, aiming instead for ‘dignity and decolonisation’. The Bolivian conflict is characterised by historical processes of poverty and inequality, discrimination and exclusion, a regional autonomy struggle linked to separatist discourses and identity politics, mistrust in the state and between societal groups and a tradition of (violent) popular pressure methods. Both urban and rural teachers play crucial roles in these processes of conflict. Drawing on insights from critical educational theories and the strategic relational approach, the paper analyses the possibilities and challenges Bolivian teachers face in changing this context of continuing tensions, discrimination and instability. It presents an analysis of teachers’ complex identities, motivations and possible role as actors for or against change towards a just and peaceful society.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Maria Luisa Talavera, a lecturer in education sciences and anthropology at the Universidad Mayor de San Andres in La Paz (Bolivia), for being an endless source of information and for her constructive contributions to the contents of this article. I would also like to thank Michiel Baud and Mario Novelli (University of Amsterdam) for their helpful comments during the writing process, as well as commentary received during the constructive meetings with fellow researchers in the Inter‐university Centre for Latin American Research and Documentation (CEDLA) in Amsterdam. I am also grateful for an insightful presentation on her new book and discussions in Amsterdam with Lynn Davies and for the input of two anonymous reviewers.
Notes
1. ‘Against decentralization! Against private education! Against corruption!’.
2. There is a need to better understand how teachers’ cultures of resistance came into being, and what the consequences are for teachers work and the education sector more in general. This issue of teacher resistance is being taken up in a PhD project of Maria Luisa Talavera, an experienced Bolivian educator and academic.
3. In the proposed new education law, schooling is aimed at decolonisation (and liberation); transformation (of economic, social, cultural, political and ideological structures); democratisation (and participation); intra‐/interculturality and pluri‐lingualism; to unity in diversity, with cohesion between people and between humans and the environment; to critical social awareness; and to social justice. In discourse definitely wonderful intentions, yet discussions continue on the actual meaning and implementation of these concepts.
4. Field based research was conducted in October and November 2007, and from May–November 2008.
5. Examples of positive forms of conflict that can be fostered by educators have been defined by Davies as ‘active challenge to violence; tolerance; conflict resolution; education for humanitarian law; dialogue and encounter’ (Citation2006b, 13).
6. Mujeres Creando (Women Creating) is a feminist activist organization working from La Paz. More information can be found at http://www.mujerescreando.org/.
7. Translated literally this would mean something like ‘enspanishment’ of the population, aimed at imposing the Spanish language and culture.
8. Warisata was closed in l939.
9. The civil society organisation Consejos Educativos de los Pueblos Originarios (CEPOs) has achieved influence on educational policy plans, representing the indigenous populations’ educational needs.
10. While a large majority of the population respectively voted for the continuation of the Morales governments ‘politics of change’ and the approval of the new constitution, the prefectos (provincial state representatives) of the lowland departments also gained enough votes to stay in power and have been leading a strong anti‐constitutional struggle.
11. Interview on 20 October 2008. All quotes from respondents are interpreted and translated from Spanish to English by the author.
12. Autonomy struggles are also fought out in the education sector, were alternative education policy initiatives – the so‐called ‘estatutos autonomicos departamentales’ – were created in the lower regions of Bolivia. These documents are highly debated in terms of their legitimacy, congruence with the national Constitution and influence on education. It could be stated that they ‘ignore the common, emphasise their own truth as the only truth, and impede an open dialogue between different groups and cultures in society’ (Van Dam and Salman 2009).
13. In some cases, it might be argued that certain forms of identity politics could be legitimate for a period of time, for instance when linked to the improvement of the lives and power positions of marginalised and discriminated groups. Although the concept of identity politics is a useful one, we should be careful not to treat it in a simplistic and solely negative sense. Hale (Citation1997) elaborates on how the ‘politics of identity’ evolved in Latin America, and links it for instance to the rise of indigenous politics as opposed to unified national‐popular projects.
14. The 2003 uprisings are sometimes referred to as ‘Red October’ because of the widespread bloodshed.
15. These popular uprisings naturally had and have their downsides. Particularly the poor are victimised by the effects of the numerous roadblocks and violent confrontations with the police and military. The social unrest in Bolivia for instance has a significant impact on the economy. On the national level, the economy suffers from withdrawal of foreign investors who lost trust in the Bolivian situation, and internally road blocks and strikes lead to problems of distribution and a lack of products (Kohl and Farthing Citation2006, 190–1).
16. Indeed, there is a lack of (qualified) teachers in remote rural areas. Although to ‘bring good education to the rural poor’ seems quite positive at first sight, one might question the patronising or even discriminatory ideas behind them in some cases. Thus, training institutes should have students critically reflect on their motivations behind future choices.
17. Data exists that show how between 1996 and 1997, in 17 encounters with the police, more than 170 people were detained, 2 people died and 62 were wounded (Contreras and Talavera Citation2004).
18. These reflections are based on preliminary analysis of fieldwork data gathered in 2008, and additional research will be done in order to disseminate further results.
19. Between 2000 and 2005 half of the institutes were administered by universities, in order to improve quality of the Normales and to stimulate cooperation and research between the two institutes. In short, there are two rival camps in Bolivia on this issue; those that believe this was the best period for the Normales, and those that oppose to this administration and in the end demonstrated until the Normales could go on by themselves again. This opposition claimed the ‘university people’ were not at all prepared to teach about the reality in classrooms and about teaching styles and methods, because they lacked ‘real educational experience’.
20. Ministerio de Educacion, 5 June 2009: http://www.minedu.gov.bo/minedu/showNews.do?newsId=1542.
21. The differences and communalities between the governments’ views and the urban unions’ views have been published in Debate sobre la educación Boliviana, presenting a long list (102 pages) discussing all articles of the 1994 reform.