Abstract
This paper addresses the critiques based on trade-offs and normativity presented in response to our target article proposing the Public Health Emergency Risk and Crisis Communication (PHERCC) framework. These critiques highlight the ethical dilemmas in crisis communication, particularly the balance between promoting public autonomy through transparent information and the potential stigmatization of specific population groups, as illustrated by the discussion of the mpox outbreak among men who have sex with men. This critique underscores the inherent tension between communication effectiveness and autonomy versus fairness and equity. In response, our paper reiterates the adaptability of the PHERCC framework, emphasizing its capacity to tailor messages to diverse audiences, thereby reducing potential stigmatization and misinformation. Through community engagement and feedback integration, the PHERCC framework aims to optimize the effectiveness of communication strategies while addressing ethical concerns. Furthermore, by involving affected communities in the communication strategy from the onset, the framework seeks to minimize ethical trade-offs and enhance the acceptance and effectiveness of public health messages.
In response to our proposal for the PHERCC (Public Health Emergency Risk and Crisis Communication) framework (Spitale, Germani, and Biller-Andorno Citation2024), Bernstein et al. offered a critique, emphasizing the necessity for ethical Risk and Crisis Communication (RCC) to acknowledge the existence of tradeoffs (Bernstein, Barnhill, and Faden Citation2024). Specifically, they highlighted the delicate balance between providing accurate information to the public to promote autonomy and the potential risks associated with such information, such as stigma. In their own words:
[…] consider a communicable disease that disproportionately affects certain groups in a population. Communicating to the public that this disease primarily affects these groups could respect autonomy or promote overall well-being. At the same time, however, emphasizing that only some groups are at serious risk could also expose members of those groups to stigma and disdain, especially if the affected groups are already subject to discrimination or unfair disadvantage. (Bernstein, Barnhill, and Faden Citation2024)
A recent example is the mpox outbreak […], in which most reported cases were among men who have sex with men. Consider a government’s decision to clearly state, as part of its communication with the public about the mpox outbreak, that men who have sex with men are at higher risk of being exposed to mpox than the general population. Such communication provides information to men who have sex with men, and this information might help them to protect themselves (for example, by getting vaccinated against mpox virus). But such communication also risks stigmatizing men who have sex with men. This stigma—and the discrimination that may accompany it—are forms of group-based inequity. (Bernstein, Barnhill, and Faden Citation2024)
In line with previous considerations, in particular raised in the context of mpox (März, Holm, and Biller-Andorno Citation2022; World Health Organization Citation2023), Bernstein et al. raise valid concerns regarding the potential tradeoffs between effectiveness and autonomy on the one hand, and fairness and equity on the other hand. However, our PHERCC framework acknowledges that communication is not a one-size-fits-all approach. It acknowledges the importance of targeting specific communities with tailored messages, aligning with the evolving consensus in infodemic management, including public health communication and RCC. A targeted approach, as outlined in our PHERCC framework, can mitigate the risk of stigma by ensuring that communication resonates with the intended audiences (i.e. publics in our PHERCC framework) and addresses their unique needs, vulnerabilities, and understanding of information (Spitale, Germani, and Biller-Andorno Citation2024). Simultaneously, it minimizes the dissemination of unnecessary information to audiences that do not require it for their health, providing them with adapted messages that cater to their specific needs. In the context of the mpox example, this could involve delivering different messages to gay communities and the broader public through varied channels. For instance, gay communities could be informed about the transmission risks associated with specific sexual behaviors, while non-gay communities could be informed that monkeypox transmission is not confined to gay communities, emphasizing that transmission is linked to sexual activity rather than sexual orientation. Furthermore, by involving communities in the strategy definition and communication design process, the PHERCC framework ensures that their perspectives are incorporated from the outset, minimizing potential harms such as stigma. The empirical approach (involving community engagement and feedback-loop integration) in our PHERCC framework underscores a commitment to maximizing the effectiveness of communication strategies while mitigating ethical concerns. While a tradeoff between autonomy/effectiveness and fairness/equity exists, as pointed out by Bernstein et al., the utilization of the PHERCC framework should allow for its significant minimization.
The authors provide another example, stating that “[…] older individuals and people with various comorbidities are at especially high risk of becoming seriously ill from a COVID-19 infection. Here, again, emphasizing the elevated risk of these groups in public health communications is ethically fraught precisely because ethical values come into tension. At the height of the pandemic, groups at elevated risk faced stigma as well as resentment from low-risk groups, including calls for increased isolation of the higher-risk groups to preserve liberties for low-risk groups. Emphasizing the higher risks of some groups may have led individuals to take fewer precautions and thereby (indirectly) impose greater risk on at-risk individuals. This is not to say that PHERCC should have omitted this information, but rather to highlight that PHERCC will often involve tradeoffs between different values.” (Bernstein, Barnhill, and Faden Citation2024)
In this passage, the authors raise a concern regarding the potential consequences of emphasizing the higher risks faced by particularly vulnerable groups, such as older individuals during the COVID-19 pandemic or those with underlying health conditions. They highlight two main issues: a) Stigma toward these populations may arise due to the highlighting of their elevated risk, and b) individuals with lower risk may perceive themselves as less susceptible and consequently take fewer precautions, inadvertently increasing the risk for at-risk individuals.
Similar to our previous point, it is crucial to acknowledge that communication strategies cannot be universally applied. The needs and vulnerabilities of different demographic groups vary significantly, highlighting the necessity for tailored communication approaches (Hyland-Wood et al. Citation2021; Rämgård et al. Citation2023). In the context of the PHERCC framework, this means acknowledging that communication for low-risk and high-risk groups will inherently differ. For example, for low-risk groups, communication may focus on the importance of solidarity and collective responsibility, emphasizing the role each individual plays in protecting vulnerable members of society. Conversely, communication directed toward high-risk groups should prioritize providing clear and actionable guidance to mitigate their risk. Once again, the overarching aim of the PHERCC framework is to adopt an inclusive and empirical approach. This involves actively engaging with affected communities in the communication process and considering their perspectives, thereby ensuring both the effectiveness of public health messaging and the minimization of harm.
Kabasenche also raises a similar concern regarding tradeoffs between autonomy and fairness:
Not all of us will be as optimistic as they are that ethical judgment in a public health emergency involves no trade-offs. […] At the least, we should all be clear about why we make trade-offs as we do, and we should subject our judgment to scrutiny from others. This is true of any citizens weighing in, as well as for public health decision makers. (Kabasenche Citation2024)
Kabasenche brings forth concerns about the tradeoffs between autonomy and fairness within the context of normativity, contending that our PHERCC framework is inaccurate due to its lack of consideration of normativity (Kabasenche Citation2024). The author states that:
One immediate concern with this interpretation is that I am not sure the authors actually agree with it themselves, despite their seeming to endorse it at points. They do seem to believe masks should be worn in certain settings (imagine a sign outside a hospital at the height of a surge that says “Here’s some information, but you can choose whether to wear a mask or not. Or, if you’d like, tell us why you are not wearing one”). If that is their view, they should be transparent about the ethical considerations that lead them to that judgment, as should any public health decision makers. […] But if Spitale et al. truly do believe PHERCC action should only be information-dispensing and not involve normative policy, then they ought not believe it. Public health emergencies almost inevitably require coordinated action. Spitale et al. seem dangerously close to endorsing a kind of reverse Humeanism—believing that a shared judgment about what we ought to do simply will come about as a result of really accurate PHERCC. (Kabasenche Citation2024)
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REFERENCES
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