“It Was All Very Toxic”: An Initial Exploration into Dancers’ Experiences of Social Comparison in UK Dance Schools

ABSTRACT

Social comparison and links to motivation, performance, and engagement are well documented across domains. However, research remains limited within dance schools, where training with peers is part of everyday life. To explore how social comparison is experienced in school, we interviewed ten dancers (aged 18–23) from vocational and non-vocational levels. Thematic analysis identified an overarching dimension of “cut-throat” dance culture, which was underpinned by three higher and twelve lower order themes. Participants primarily engaged in lateral comparison, where they compared themselves against individuals who were of similar ages and levels. Experience of social comparison was driven by a dynamic interaction between teacher, environment, and the dancer. Ego-focused motivation styles were suggested to enhance social comparison, especially when combined with support from teachers and the training environment. Results can increase the understanding and awareness of social comparison in dancers and support teachers to provide improved training environments.

KEYWORDS:

• Motivation
• dance science
• teaching methods
• culture
• learning
• performance

Introduction

Social comparison is defined as a drive within people to look at those around them in order to evaluate their own opinions and abilities (Festinger 1954). It is often used to explain performance in business (Greenberg, Ashton-James, and Ashkanasy 2007) or sports (Garcia, Tor, and Schiff 2013). Studying the experience of social comparison within dance schools, in which dance training and performance frequently consist of comparison and competition among peers, can provide a beneficial insight into how social comparison may be experienced within an aesthetic domain such as dance. Dance is often fueled by the individual’s motivation, but the possible link between social comparison and types of motivation, the role of the teacher and learning environment, and the potential influence they have on each other, is yet to be studied.

Social comparison theory suggests that individuals either compare themselves “downwards” with someone who is perceived to be inferior (Wills 1981), or “upwards” with someone they perceive to be better than them (Wheeler 1966). Research into social comparison within sports has suggested that those with a drive for success will have a motivation to compare upward (Gerber, Wheeler, and Suls 2018) as a source of guidance and to aid in improving their own performance (Gotwals and Wayment 2002). Diel et al. (2021) investigated the possible bias in athletes to compare upward and the effects comparison processes had on motivation and performance improvement. The results showed upward comparison could increase motivation, but only when there was little discrepancy between the self and comparison standard (Diel et al. 2021). However, pedagogical literature in dance education has suggested that teachers should endeavor to help dancers’ focus on the task and avoid comparison with others, which may lead to concerns with body image and their own pace of skill development (Mainwaring and Krasnow 2010). The research suggests a possible link between social comparison and motivation but fails to provide insight into how social comparison is experienced by, and influenced by, the dancers or athletes themselves.

An athlete’s or dancer’s motivation may underlie an individual’s engagement in training and therefore their propensity to engage in social comparison. Motivation is an area that has received some attention in the dance education literature. This work has primarily focused on external factors that affect motivation such as the behaviors of the teacher to motivate a class (Lazaroff 2001) and the interaction between peer feedback, motivation, and performance (Hsia, Huang, and Hwang 2016). In sports literature, the motivation research has focused more closely on the motivation profiles of the individuals themselves. For example, motivational orientations are conceptually understood on a continuum from as a person’s desire to prove themselves (ego-orientation) to a desire to improve or master a task (task-orientation) (Hodge and Petlichkoff 2000; Stefanek and Peters 2011). These concepts suggest, for example, that those with an ego-orientation but a tendency to compare upward would be demotivated in training. This is because their motivation to engage is focused on being superior to others, often through winning and being like their superior counterparts, rather than success through a well-executed training session. Research into the effects of task- and ego-orientation on sport motivation, has shown that children with high task- and high ego-orientation were the most motivated in measures such as perceived competence and enjoyment, but only highly task-orientated individuals were more motivated in their sport overall (Fox et al. 1994). There is likely to be a relationship between an individual’s motivation and their experience of social comparison. However, there is currently limited direct evidence for this in performance settings in general. There is no evidence in dance schools where social comparison could be enhanced by regular performances, the more subjective nature of the skill, and the make-up of the dance environment.

Although context specific research into the influence of dance teachers on social comparison is limited, quantitative studies have used computer feedback to show that even artificial praise and information related to comparison with others can act as a form of intrinsic motivation (Mumm and Mutlu 2011). In dance, this would suggest that praise from a teacher and comparison to other dancers could increase the motivation to work hard in training. These findings can be used as an initial basis to explore how teacher feedback in dancing may influence how dancers experience social comparison, and how teacher support, or lack thereof, may also influence dancers and their likelihood to compare to their peers in dance schools.

To support and educate the over ten thousand dancers in the United Kingdom alone (Statista 2023), it is important to understand the factors that may impact the performance and motivation of dancers and to allow for the provision of extra support to dance schools and students who wish to excel. This can be particularly important as students return to the studio post-pandemic and there is an opportunity to reengage dancers in a way that supports their mental health and well-being. Dance can be a subjective field, with opinions on the aesthetics of each genre differing based on personal preference and experience. In the UK, dancers will learn in either vocational schools aiming to prepare them for a professional career or non-vocational schools where the focus is not on professional training. In both types of schools, training has typically focused on genres, such as ballet, contemporary and lyrical modern, jazz, modern, and tap. Due to the aesthetic nature of all genres of dance, comparing oneself to others in a class or those one is competing against is likely a common occurrence.

The current study engaged a small and specialized population of dancers from the UK to allow for the generation of in-depth knowledge from the specific context (Lavrakas 2008). Using a qualitative approach allows for deep insight into individuals’ experiences and their perceptions (Adams 2015). Here, we aim to conduct an initial exploration into the experiences of social comparison and motivation in dancers in the UK and the possible influence of the teacher, genres, and dance environment to shape this.

Methodology

Philosophical Stance and Positionality

While we are interested in constructivist approaches, the social construction and subjectivity of knowledge, and the relativist view that knowledge and truth are arbitrary and context-dependent (Denzin and Lincoln 2011), the study was instead underpinned by a more pragmatic philosophical perspective. This is because pragmatism assumes that knowledge is developed through our actions and interactions and is shaped by the social environment (e.g., dance school) and developed with other people in this environment (e.g., peers and teachers). Therefore, the knowledge developed in this research is a product of the participants’ and researchers’ beliefs and experiences, incorporating prior knowledge of the field of social comparison and motivation and personal experience of dance and dance schools in the UK (Cruickshank, Collins, and Minten 2015; Figgins et al. 2019). Pragmatic approaches allow for the application of understanding to the context and have been widely used in other high-performance settings and research. The aim of the study isn’t to find a definitive answer regarding the levels of social comparison that occur within UK dance schools, but to see how a small sample of dancers perceives social comparison. Here, rapport was strengthened by the lead author and interviewer’s identity as a dancer and dance school alum. This allowed for both empathy and knowledge of the process of interviewing, increasing responsiveness in terms of how open participants were to share, and fostering trust during the interview (Carless and Douglas 2013). However, this in-group status was taken into consideration while conducting the interviews so as not to impose values, beliefs, and perceptions upon participants and ensuring they shared their own stories (Berger 2015).

Participants

Ten participants were found using purposive volunteer sampling through an online advertisement on the social media platform Instagram. They were between the ages of 18 and 23 and all had previous dancing experience of 6 to 13 years. All participants were females from the UK. The sample included a mix of dancers from part-time non-vocational training (e.g., dancing at a local dance school) and full-time vocational training (e.g., dancing at a professional dance college to gain qualifications), with training approximately four to five days a week in dance schools across the UK. To ensure a cohort of skilled dancers, all participants had performed at a regional or international level (see Table 1 for details). Ethical approval was granted by the lead author’s institution and research ethics committee—MRA-22/23-34140.

Table 1. Participant characteristics of the ten dancers.

Dancer	Age	Years of dance experience	Highest Competitive Level Reached	Training Level
D1	22	16	International	Non-vocational
D2	21	13	International	Non-vocational
D3	18	13	Regional	Non-vocational
D4	20	17	Regional	Vocational school
D5	19	16	Regional	Vocational school
D6	22	15	International	Non-vocational
D7	21	8	International	Vocational school
D8	21	16	International	Non-vocational
D9	21	6	Regional	Non-vocational
D10	23	17	International	Non-vocational

Interview Guide

Semi-structured interviews were used to allow for new and unforeseen topics to be introduced. Participants were encouraged to share any relevant experiences and opinions. The interview guide contained two sections: one building rapport with the participant, and the other consisting of the questions specific to the dancer’s experience of social comparison. To build rapport with the interviewee, an initial conversation was started regarding which dance school they go to and how long they have been dancing. Once the dancer became more comfortable with the interview setting, the conversation naturally flowed into the section of the interview that would be analyzed. The interview was curated through: (i) the lead author’s personal experience of social comparison and motivation in dancing, (ii) quantitative findings in social comparison within sports and exercise research (Diel et al. 2021), and (iii) assessing interview guides from previous qualitative studies (Chan 2008) (See supplementary materials for interview guide). An initial pilot interview was carried out with a dancer who had 13 years of experience. The interview was reflected upon, and any necessary changes were made. Two additional interview questions were added to the interview guide: one regarding the training environment, such as the use of mirrors and placement at the barre, and another questioning how different teaching methods may influence social comparison.

Data Collection

All participants registered interest via an online Qualtrics form which was advertised on social media platforms. Each dancer was provided with an information sheet and gave informed consent after reading the form. Each participant provided contact details for an interview to be set up at a later date. All interviews were carried out via Microsoft Teams, on an individual basis. Participants were made aware that their interviews would be recorded for transcription purposes, as well as their right to withdraw. All participants were reminded that their data would remain confidential. Interviews lasted 30–45 minutes depending on the richness of data from each participant. Following the interview, participants could ask any questions regarding the interview or the current research.

Data Analysis

The interviews were transcribed through Microsoft Teams, with any grammatical changes made as necessary. To keep each participant anonymous, they were assigned a label, D1–D10, to easily identify each dancer and their experiences across the cohort. A two-stage reflexive analysis approach was used (Braun and Clarke 2019), allowing for themes to be identified from the raw data. The study used a process that followed Braun and Clarke’s (2006, 2019) six phases of reflexive thematic analysis (see Table 2). It is a common assumption that one needs to choose an inductive or deductive approach, but it is rarely possible for an analysis to neatly fall into one approach (Braun and Clarke 2013, 2019; Byrne 2022). We acknowledge both the theory and data driven elements were applied to thematic analysis. Here we have a predominantly inductive approach, but a degree of deductive analysis was employed to ensure the open-coding contributed themes that are meaningful to the research question (see Byrne 2022). The combination of approaches allows (a) for the data to drive new themes and (b) for previous research into social comparison to provide potential pathways to ensuring themes are relevant to the research question (Fereday and Muir-Cochrane 2006).

Table 2. The six phases of reflexive thematic analysis of the data (Braun and Clarke 2006; 2019).

Phase	Description
Phase 1	The author transcribes and corrects the data and re-reads the data at least two times, while noting initial ideas and important information regarding the dancer’s perception of their experience with social comparison.
Phase 2	Here, an inductive approach was taken to identify codes from the raw data and to identify and collect data relevant to each code.
Phase 3	The decided codes are then organized, and potential themes are created.
Phase 4	Themes are checked to see if they work in relation to the codes and are refined alongside any sub-themes to create a thematic “map.”
Phase 5	Further analysis occurs, and member reflections of the identified themes are noted with the use of a critical friend to ensure the data set is being accurately represented.
Phase 6	Selection of most important extract examples, and final analysis occurs of these extracts relating back to the research question. A report of the analysis is produced.

Methodological Rigor

Two processes were used to enhance methodological rigor. An independent “critical friend,” who was a colleague with a background in sports and exercise psychology, was used to provide constructive criticism regarding the themes and categories identified and to aid the lead author in defending their judgments toward the chosen themes (Smith and McGannon 2018). Member reflections (Braun and Clarke 2013) were also valuable within the research in reinforcing validity. Themes were sent to three randomly selected participants to ask if (a) the chosen themes and categories reflect what they think they experienced and (b) that they have been perceived by the author in the correct way. The member reflections provided no grounds for any alteration or correction of themes.

Results

Analysis of the data resulted in the formation of twelve lower order themes, three higher order themes, and one main dimension (Figure 1). The main dimension of “cut-throat” dance culture, and each of the lower and higher order themes identified are discussed below with quotes provided by the dancers in support of each theme.

Figure 1. Thematic map of the “cut-throat” dance culture and the three-way interaction of the higher order themes as identified through thematic analysis.

Main Dimension: “Cut-Throat” Dance Culture

All dancers voiced opinions regarding the toxicity they often experienced within their dance schools, both in the studio and in performance. Many of the dancers spoke about how “cut-throat” and competitive the dance environment can be, with Dancer 3 recounting:

It’s so competitive and it’s so cut-throat, that you have to know the competition … It was all very toxic. (D3)

When discussing toxicity within dance schools, dancers described how the typically negative dance culture they were surrounded by, along with the different methods of teaching they experienced, removed a lot of the enjoyment they initially had within dance. Dancer 8 explains the impact of a particular teaching method:

I think working hard just with the intention of getting picked out is kind of toxic because then it really takes away the sense of dancing for yourself and dancing to have fun. (D8)

This highlights the potential negative influence that comparison could have on a dancer, and how what is perceived to be healthy competition between peers, may be unhealthy for the dancers and therefore create a toxic and unenjoyable training or performance environment.

Higher Order Theme 1: The Dance Teacher

Dancers repeatedly spoke about the influence their dance teacher had on their comparison with fellow dancers. Four lower order themes were identified, all of which are best described through Dancer 3 who recounts:

With the people in your own cohort and people in your own age bracket, there was always favorites and people that got more help in training and people that have got more support. (D3)

Themes identified that further relate to the overall influence of the dance teacher and the possible role in social comparison are discussed below, including, teacher feedback and support, favoritism, involuntary comparison, and teaching methods.

Lower Order Theme 1: Teacher Feedback and Support

Throughout the interviews, all participants referred to the fact that dance training was often driven by the feedback provided from their teacher, whether it was positive or negative. Being provided with the feedback allowed the dancer to feel like their presence and the effort they were putting into each of their training sessions in the studio was being noticed. A lack of teacher feedback was also identified to potentially influence the comparison between peers. For example, Dancer 3 recounted:

I found it worse when we lacked it. So even if it was positive or negative, … lacking feedback, kind of made you feel invisible and if you saw some people get loads of feedback, and the teacher would spend ages correcting their posture or even if it was a critique, but if you didn’t get any it was worse and that you weren’t getting any kind of help. (D3)

Dancers also mentioned how the support they received from their teacher influenced their well-being and their ability to improve, often in a negative way. Dancers felt that their teachers could fail to acknowledge situations from the dancer’s point of view, potentially resulting in a diminished sense of motivation from the dancer. Dancer 4 described:

Sometimes teachers can be like really horrible with their feedback. I think they don’t understand that they’re saying something that is singling someone out, and how that feels. (D4)

Despite the wealth of negativity voiced by the dancers regarding feedback and the input of their teacher, some dancers also explained the positive influence that feedback had on their likelihood to compare themselves. Dancer 9 described:

I think when my teachers would watch me and give me feedback, I would often compare myself less if they praised my work and made small critiques. (D9)

This shows that feedback and support from dance teachers acts as a form of reassurance for the dancer that the efforts they are putting in are being acknowledged, and any criticism is being used to encourage improvement and progression for the dancer. Conversely, when the dancer is lacking feedback from a teacher and feeling “invisible,” the dancer may replace teacher feedback with their own comparison to others.

Lower Order Theme 2: Favoritism

Many of the dancers spoke about the influence that favoritism had on their comparison with their fellow dancers. The existence of “favorites” within both training and performance settings appears to induce social comparison across the cohort. Dancer 4 explained:

I think something like favoritism has always been a massive thing, so I think comparing yourself to who are the favorites and seeing what they’re doing. And sometimes I’m thinking … are they even better than everyone else? … why is this person getting placed at the front of everything … what is it that they’re doing? (D4)

Favoritism, as described by Dancer 4, provides the dancers with a preexisting standard that they perceive they must meet. To judge against this standard, they will compare themselves to the dancer that they perceive as the teacher’s “favorite.”

Lower Order Theme 3: Involuntary Comparison

The dancers described a concept of involuntary comparison in which comparison toward their peers was often instigated or induced through comments made by their dance teachers. Dancer 8 explained:

I found my teachers sort of instigated the comparison because they’re the ones bringing up the names that you think you have to compare to and sort of match with or be on top of … standard wise. (D8)

Many of the dancers reported a similar feeling in which the volume of their comparison, and the dancers in which they focus on were instigated through their teachers.

Lower Order Theme 4: Teaching Methods

The methods used by different teachers were popular topics. Many dancers vocalized (a) their opinions on different teaching techniques, (b) the influence they perceived those techniques to have on their level of training, and (c) the social comparison they feet was induced by those techniques. A specific teaching exercise, in which the dance teacher selects “the best” students out of the class to later perform the choreography, was particularly common among the dancers when describing moments in training during which they felt like they compared themselves the most. Dancer 6 described their opinion of this teaching method:

… some teachers who would get one individual to demonstrate an exercise and be like this is how it should be done and that would kind of innately make me compare myself more. (D6)

The potentially negative influence of this teaching method on social comparison within teaching was further reinforced by Dancer 5 who explained:

I think when teachers pick out certain people to do things and you’re someone who’s never ever been picked. … you always compare yourself … “why am I not picked out and they are? Am I not good enough?” … it’s just really disruptive, and really demotivating. (D5)

Overall, it appears many of the dancers within the cohort had very similar experiences of social comparison with recurring statements regarding the influence of the dance teacher and their methods of teaching, overall support, and use of favoritism in both training and performance elements of dance.

Higher Order Theme 2: The Environment

The dancers’ environment was identified as a potential influence in the experience of social comparison. Quotes regarding the dance studio, lateral comparison with fellow dancers, different styles of dance, and mirror usage are presented below.

Lower Order Theme 1: Training Environment

Environmental elements such as the layout of the studio and the position of the dancers both at the barre and in the center were discussed in relation to their possible influence on social comparison. Dancer 3 described:

Also depended on where you were stood at the barre or in the center because in some positions you couldn’t escape other people, so it was easy just to watch and compare. (D3)

The dancers’ perspective suggested that the training environment can facilitate social comparison. This is due to a setting which is very easy to observe and critique both their fellow dancers and themselves. Dancer 1 added:

The training environment is a massive factor in comparison simply because it doesn’t necessarily depend on who’s in the room, it’s just that there are people in the room. (D1)

Lower Order Theme 2: Lateral Comparison

Comparison within the same standard of dancer was a prominent theme across all dancers who, when asked if they feel they compare themselves more to those who are of a higher or lower standard, voiced that their biggest competitors and topic of comparison were those on par with themselves. Dancer 3 recounted:

Especially people in the same bracket as you as well, it would be so competitive and comparative. (D3)

Particularly within performance settings, lateral comparison seemingly had a large influence on who dancers felt the need to compare to the most, with their direct competitors being a focus. Dancer 1 described:

I was thinking, I want to be top of my category. So, I was more focused on comparison between people who are of my age group. (D1)

The novel concept of lateral comparison provides an interesting avenue for research on the comparative nature with those who are at the same level as the individual. The priority was reaching the top of a singular level within performance settings or the dance hierarchy, rather than the top of the hierarchy as a whole.

Lower Order Theme 3: Aesthetic Genres

Participants frequently mentioned ballet and the increased experience of social comparison in this genre. Dancer 6 described:

My comparison became far less orientated towards executing moves well, it became more orientated towards like a look and an aesthetic. (D6)

There was also a common perception of the technicality of ballet that often induced comparison, especially within studio settings, as dancers would look to their peers as a method of ensuring they all look uniform and in line. When questioned about which dance style they feel they compare themselves in the most, Dancer 5 explained:

Ballet definitely because I feel like you can see differences between you and the other dancers much more easily because of how specific the style is. (D5)

Dancer 4 further reinforced this view:

With ballet, because it’s so technical, you’re supposed to be doing the same. And if you’re doing a group … you should all be having the same alignment. (D4)

Lower Order Theme 4: Mirror Usage

A particular focus throughout the whole cohort was the use of mirrors that are present in most dance studios. Because the mirrors typically face out onto all dancers in the class, dancers suggest that they facilitated and somewhat instigated the comparison between the students, as Dancer 2 shared:

Because of how the room was set up with the mirrors, … whenever we’re in class, it was quite easy to look at other people while you were training. (D2)

Dancer 2 expanded on this further:

A lot of the time in the mirrors I was looking at other people or looking at myself, just like comparing more just because the mirrors were there, not because I wanted to compare. (D2)

Higher Order Theme 3: The Dancer

The final higher order theme revolved around the dancers themselves and the influence that their confidence or style of learning had on their experience of social comparison. Four lower order themes were identified: self-confidence in own technique, comparison for guidance, motivation through praise, and the ego-orientation type of comparison.

Lower Order Theme 1: Self-Confidence in Own Technique

Multiple dancers within the cohort mentioned their own self-confidence in their dance technique and its influence on their likelihood to compare to their peers. When discussing ballet and their personal experience within this class, Dancer 1 said:

I think I compared myself more to others because I was often made to believe that it wasn’t my strongest style of dance. (D1)

This suggested that a lack of confidence in one’s own technique, in combination with added self-doubt through teacher feedback, may induce and increase the likelihood of social comparison. The idea was further validated by Dancer 2 who discussed the role of a stronger self-confidence:

I think I was actually quite comfortable in myself and more confident that I don’t really need to [compare] and more so hoping that they’d be looking at me. (D2)

These accounts from dancers who vocalized their confidence within their own self and dance technique suggest that the individual’s confidence level may have had on the dancers’ propensity to compare with their peers. These quotes also show a potential role of the teacher to enhance the confidence of each dancer. Those who have a higher level of self-confidence may compare less to their peers than those who are lacking in self-confidence.

Lower Order Theme 2: Comparison for Guidance

Those who had lower levels of self-confidence may have an increased propensity to compare to their fellow dancers as a source of guidance. Comparison for guidance was a common occurrence across many of the dancers. Dancer 6 explained:

I would often compare myself to others because I was wanting to see what they were doing, to improve, to get better. (D6)

Dancers also voiced how comparison among peers can be a healthy source of guidance to help improve and progress their dance training. Dancer 1 described:

I think comparison within a class environment can occasionally be healthy. If you’re looking at using comparison as a way to improve. (D1)

This was further validated by Dancer 2 who expressed their usage of comparison to as way of inspiring themselves:

I’d be … looking at how the people are doing it, … for inspiration. (D2)

Lower Order Theme 3: Motivation through Praise

Some dancers explained their source of motivation to be through the praise and encouragement they receive from their teachers. Dancer 2 described their experience:

I wasn’t really comparing myself to the people at all. I was more so just doing what I could to impress [them]. I’d always put myself, front and center in front of the mirror, so it’s most of that [they] would be looking at me or people might be looking at me. (D2)

This dancer described the concept of extrinsic motivation in which pleasing the teacher and being praised on their training and performance acted as a motivator. This was further validated by Dancer 5 who suggested that a common motivator within dance was the positive feedback and praise they receive:

I’m a person that thrives on like good comments and being praised, as a way to work harder. And if I don’t get anything, it’s … like … I have no motivation to push myself to be better. (D5)

Lower Order Theme 4: Ego-orientation

Every dancer expressed a type of ego-orientated motivation, with consistent mention of the feeling of winning a competition and the level of motivation this provides for the dancer. Dancer 8 best described this:

It’s an unmatched feeling winning a competition, and the feeling is longer lasting. This is the motivation I need to keep going. Keep turning up, keep trying to train harder. (D8)

The feeling of winning a competition compared to executing a skill was regarded as a much longer lasting form of motivation and validation for the dancers. Dancer 5 explained:

Placing and winning a competition because I feel like the validation you get is the biggest reward and that feeling is fully unmatched. It’s also the biggest motivator for each competition or class after that, to work hard and to try and stay at the top. (D5)

Discussion

The present study sought to conduct an initial exploration into how social comparison and motivation is experienced by a cohort of female dancers in UK dance schools. Dancers engaged in “lateral comparison,” where they compared themselves to closely aligned peers rather that up or down. The findings revealed a main dimension of “cut-throat” dance culture that was underpinned and reinforced through a cyclical connection between the dancer, their generally ego-focused motivation style, the dance school environment, and the dance teacher.

The potential role of the dance teacher in social comparison is a multifaceted factor involving their methods of giving demonstrations and feedback, the volume of support for each dancer, and their instigation of involuntary comparison across the dance cohort. The use of peers to provide demonstrations is an approach that has been suggested as an effective method of instruction for improving motivation in the physical education and dance literature (Darden 1997). However, here it was perceived by dancers as a method to provide them with a standard that they felt they needed to match and instigated social comparison toward “favorites” that have been made a focus by the teacher. This shows a disconnect between purely learning-based research and the need for the integration of the understanding of the learners’ perceptions and emotions when assessing methods of teaching (Camacho-Morles et al. 2021).

Despite the number of negative examples given by the participants on social comparison and its potential to facilitate an often “cut-throat” and toxic environment, dancers also perceived positive aspects of comparing with fellow students when voicing its usefulness as a method to improve and receive guidance. Our findings support previous quantitative literature (Gotwals and Wayment 2002), in which athletes were found to look to those superior to themselves when seeking guidance, but the current study adds findings from the perspective of a dancer and how they perceive themselves to experience social comparison among peers. When dancers were confident in their technique, their perception of the need to compare to others was reduced. This supports the findings of previous research on social comparison and confidence in academic settings (Pulford, Woodward, and Taylor 2018). In practice, it would therefore be beneficial to leverage the use of feedback to build confidence in their own technique and work to build a more task-orientated motivational climate (Ansems et al. 2019). Teachers could consider giving out personal feedback in a one-to-one setting, like an individual appraisal, that may reduce immediate social comparison to fellow dancers.

Increased positive feedback or constructive criticism reduces the dancer’s likelihood to compare to other dancers, but when dancers received negative feedback or none at all, their engagement in social comparison increased. This was due to dancers feeling the need to “question” their ability and look for answers among their peers. The findings support previous literature on the influence of positive feedback for increasing motivation (Kim and Ryong Lee 2019), but again question the way that learners can perceive the other side of this. The dancers here seemed to prefer experiencing negative feedback over not receiving feedback at all. The findings support the suggestions of Mainwaring and Krasnow (2010) that such situations promote social comparisons and should be avoided in dance education. This study suggests that dance teachers should apply teaching methods that ensure each dancer receives individualized attention and feedback.

The dancers suggested that ballet promoted social comparison more than in any other type of dance. These perceptions were due to what dancers saw as the high level of technicality emphasized in the genre and therefore how easy it is for a teacher to call out a dancer who wasn’t to the required standard. This is in line with previous research into ballet dancers specifically, which has suggested that those training in ballet have a higher susceptibility for impaired psychological well-being (Schärli 2016; Wallman-Jones et al. 2022). The training environment, which includes elements like mirrors and the dancer’s positioning at the barre, seemed to reinforce this comparison in the eyes of the dancers. Participants suggested that their social comparison is rooted in the presence of mirrors and the ease of viewing fellow dancers through the mirror when standing at the barre. These impressions were supported by previous literature in yoga that has shown that participants engage in more social comparison in mirrored practices and social physique anxiety can be higher than in equivalent non-mirrored practice settings (Frayeh and Lewis 2018). Despite the mirror’s potential as a beneficial form of visual learning and self-correction, the cohort’s perception of the training environment placed a special emphasis on the mirrors inciting the comparison rather than the dancer making conscious choice to compare. This raises the question of whether mirrors are advantageous enough in dance instruction or if they are actually a detriment to the dancers’ learning.

A novel finding here was the strong focus on comparison when training among dancers of the same standard as themselves and their direct competition. The concept of “lateral comparison” was unexpected given that much of the social comparison theory and evidence has focused on the prevalence of upward and downward comparison (Diel et al. 2021). According to research in sports, athletes engaging in lateral comparison gain less knowledge than when comparing to individuals superior or inferior to themselves (Suls, Lemos, and Lockett Stewart 2002). This suggests that the dancers themselves and types of motivation and their impact on the individual depend more specifically on the domain in which it is being studied.

The current sample suggested a preference for lateral comparison but also suggested that they were motivated through winning, and the validation they received from winning. The ego-focused orientation differs from previous literature in sport where findings have suggested that task-orientated motivation is the focus of most athletes and suggests downward comparison may facilitate this motivation more (Fox et al. 1994). However, the specific context of the dance environment that prioritizes being successful within a particular age group and skill level and for certain teachers may again play a role. Due to success in the dance studio being perceived as “short-lived,” the feeling of winning provided dancers with added self-confidence and an increased drive to work hard and remain motivated (Huang, Etkin, and Jin 2017), which is further reinforced through teacher feedback and praise (Lazaroff 2001). The dynamic interplay between these factors, with ego-orientation and confidence reinforced by the motivation and praise gained through success could result in a reduction in social comparison (Pulford, Woodward, and Taylor 2018).

The findings revealed the influence of the dancers themselves, the teacher, and the dance environment on social comparison. However, the overall key to these findings was the way that all elements dynamically interacted to create the emotions and behaviors experienced by the dancers. For example, less feedback or negative comments from teachers to ego-orientated dancers were perceived to lead to a drop in self-confidence, which then lead to an increased need for social comparison, which was facilitated by elements of the dance school environment such as mirrors. These findings align with the constraints-based model for the development and control of motor skills, which suggests that behavior emerges as a result of the interaction between an individual, their environment, and the task. This concept is highly popular in sports (Renshaw et al. 2019) but has only received limited attention in dance (Torrents Martín, Ric, and Hristovski 2015) and may be a beneficial way for dance teachers to consider their practice (Hristovski et al. 2013).

The results here need to be considered in terms of the strengths and limitations of the work. A small specialized sample provided rich information on the experience of social comparison in a cohort of UK dancers (Lavrakas 2008). However, the generalizability of these findings to other areas, or even the broader dance population, may be restricted. It should also be mentioned that the cohort was exclusively comprised of women. Because no male dancers were recruited for the study, no inferences can be drawn about the male experience of social comparison in dance schools. However, research into potential gender differences in social comparison have shown men and women not to differ in their likelihood to compare their physical abilities (Franzoi et al. 2012), therefore we cannot definitively suggest the same experience of social comparison to occur within a male-based cohort, as was found in a female sample.

The findings have practical implications for dance educators. It would be beneficial for teachers to ensure that they effectively communicate with their students to build rapport and provide further understanding of how their feedback and support is perceived from the dancer’s perspective (Chawla et al. 2016). This could be achieved through conversations with dancers, where their opinions of the training environment and pedagogical strategies, such as peer demonstrations, can be proactively addressed, and a more positive studio space can be developed. Future research into social comparison in dance schools should focus on the perspective of the dance teacher and their perceptions of the interaction between themselves, the student, and the dance school environment in affecting social comparison. The input of the dance teachers regarding their perception of the experience of social comparison within training would allow for discrepancies to arise between the dancer and the dance teacher. It would be beneficial to understand the motivations of teachers and schools in the use of techniques like peer demonstrations and mirrors in studios. The involvement of dance teachers in a follow-up to this study would provide an avenue for bringing awareness to dance teachers regarding the current experience of social comparison within a cohort of vocational and non-vocational dancers.

Here we provided an initial exploration and a novel insight into how a subset of UK dancers experience social comparison in their training and performance and their perceptions of the personal and external influences that may have led to this. The interplay between the dancer, the teacher, and the environment created a dynamic interaction underlying the “cut-throat” dance culture experienced. Dancers have provided insights into current teaching practices and environmental designs that appear to increase or decrease their likelihood to compare to peers and therefore offered a basis for developments that may lead to a healthier comparative and less “cut-throat” culture.

Author Contributions

ER: Conceptualization, Methodology, Formal Analysis, Investigation, Data Curation, Writing—Original Draft, Writing—Review and Editing, Visualization. OR: Conceptualization, Methodology, Investigation, Data Curation, Writing—Review and Editing.

Acknowledgments

Thanks to Carrie Taylor Johnson for her valuable advice in the design of this work and to all the dancers who participated.

Disclosure Statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Supplementary Material

Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/15290824.2024.2329464

Additional information

Funding

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.