A Qualitative Inquiry of Holocaust Survivors in the Face of Financial Exploitation

Abstract

Objective

Financial exploitation of older adults results in devastating emotional, health, and economic consequences for victims, their families, and society at large. Examining reactions of Holocaust survivors to financial exploitation can provide informative insights into the effects of re-traumatization in highly traumatized older adults. This study examined the personal experiences and meaning that Holocaust survivors attribute to being victims of financial exploitation, thereby assessing an underexplored issue: the effects of financial exploitation on previously traumatized older adults.

Method

Fifteen Israeli Holocaust survivors (10 females; 5 males) aged 79–92 (M = 84.66), participated in semi-structured interviews. Data were analyzed according to the phenomenological approach.

Results

Analysis yielded four themes. Negative emotional reactions toward financial exploitation included feelings of anger, hurt, shock, and helplessness. Coping mechanisms included adaptive (i.e. acting for the benefit of the self and offspring, helping others, alertness, and caution), and maladaptive (i.e. self-blame and rationalization) mechanisms. Positive life motto relates to participants perceiving themselves as vital and optimistic, grateful, helping the weak, and content with little. Protective and risk factors included family and community protection (versus living alone without resources), education (versus lack of), and taking preventive measures.

Conclusions

This study adds to the literature on the experience of revictimization among previously traumatized older adults, Holocaust survivors exposed to financial exploitation, by highlighting adaptive and maladaptive coping mechanisms alongside positive mottos in life, and victims’ perceptions of risk and protective factors. Overall, findings indicate that the participants were characterized by both resilience and vulnerability in the face of financial exploitation.

Keywords:

• Financial exploitation
• Holocaust survivors
• coping mechanisms
• resilience
• risk and protective factors

Financial exploitation of older adults results in devastating emotional, health, and economic consequences for the victims, their families, and society at large (Burnett et al., 2016). Research has demonstrated that financial exploitation results in increased depressive, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms (Acierno et al., 2019), poorer physical functioning (Dong & Simon, 2013), and increased mortality (Burnett et al., 2016). Such findings suggest that coping and recuperating from financial exploitation is challenging for many older adults, many of whom live on fixed incomes and cannot easily regain the money they have lost (Nerenberg, 1999).

For several reasons, examining the personal narratives of older adults who have been exploited financially can serve useful. For example, a recent qualitative study of financial exploitation that examined the perceived types, causes, and consequences of financial exploitation in older adults highlighted themes of financial loss, consumer behaviors, relationships and trust, emotional impact, and future outlook as perceived consequences. Specific to narratives regarding future outlook, some participants saw value in being resilient and learning from past experiences (Nguyen et al., 2021). Importantly, the perceptions and consequences of financial exploitation may be qualitatively different for individuals who were previously exposed to traumatic events, such as Holocaust survivors, since revictimization was found as a high-risk factor for the development of PTSD (Cividanes et al., 2019). Examining the personal narratives of Holocaust survivors who have experienced financial exploitation may shed light on how this specific group processes adverse experiences in late life, and more broadly how individuals with a traumatic history process and cope with experiences of financial exploitation.

Studies have shown that relative to non-Holocaust survivors, Holocaust survivors report more PTSD symptoms and other psychopathological indications (see meta-analysis by Barel et al., 2010). Works on older adult Holocaust survivors demonstrated that survivors suffer from more physical morbidity such as cancer and cardiovascular diseases (e.g. Keinan-Boker et al., 2009), and some scholars noted that various age-related stressors can remind survivors of their traumatized childhood and consequently exacerbate psychological distress (e.g. Maytles et al., 2021). However, other studies suggest a mixture of resilience and vulnerability among Holocaust survivors vis-à-vis late-life stress (Cohn-Schwartz et al., 2020; Shrira et al., 2010). For example, while post-Holocaust cumulative adversity had a greater impact on the lifetime depression of Holocaust survivors relative to comparisons, such adversity had a smaller effect on the physical and cognitive functioning of Holocaust survivors relative to comparisons (Shrira et al., 2010). The authors suggest that Holocaust survivors show both general resilience and specific vulnerabilities when confronted with additional adversity in old age. Financial exploitation may be one such adverse event that leads to both vulnerabilities and resiliency factors amongst Holocaust survivors.

The experience of financial exploitation in Holocaust survivors may be particularly impactful as it may be reminiscent of certain conditions that existed during the Holocaust. While most current Holocaust survivors were young children at the time of the Holocaust, many were likely to have observed (or have knowledge of) the unlawful taking of their family’s property, funds, and assets (Beker, 2001). They likely experienced the direct consequences of these financial crimes including extreme hunger, untreated illnesses, and dire living conditions (Hercshlag-Elkayam et al., 2003). Thus, the experience of financial exploitation may serve a reminder of the unsurmountable losses they suffered, further exacerbating the psychological distress that often accompanies their traumatic past (Palgi et al., 2021; Solomon & Prager, 1992).

It may also be the case that specific traumatic experiences during the Holocaust and their lasting consequences make Holocaust survivors more vulnerable to experiencing financial exploitation. Several identifiable risk factors of financial exploitation have been reported in the literature, including demographic factors (e.g. low income), cognitive impairment (James et al., 2014), and psychosocial factors such as depression and loneliness (Lichtenberg et al., 2016; Weissberger et al., 2020). According to cumulative advantage/disadvantage theory, adverse experiences during childhood may increase the risk of older adult maltreatment, including financial exploitation, later in life (Easton & Kong, 2021). The theory posits that inequalities across cohorts develop systematically with the passage of time via the interaction of complex forces (Dannefer, 2003). In other words, disadvantages in early childhood (e.g. poverty, trauma, poor health) contribute to successive disadvantages over time. The magnification of these disadvantages is systemic due to the interaction of complex forces that affect populations or collectives of people (e.g. educational attainment, healthcare access, employment opportunities), consequently creating an even wider gap between the “advantaged” and “disadvantaged” (Dannefer, 2003; Easton & Kong, 2021). From this perspective, experiencing the Holocaust may undermine multiple health and psychosocial dimensions later in life (e.g. social satisfaction and mental/physical health), thereby increasing the likelihood of experiencing financial exploitation. Consistent with this, a study on elder abuse victimization found that childhood adversity affected later elder abuse victimization, a relationship that was partially mediated by midlife physical and mental health (Easton & Kong, 2021).

On the other hand, studies have documented general resilience amongst Holocaust survivors (Greene, 2002; Shmotkin, 2003). Resilience can be defined as the positive adaptation of individuals when faced with significant adversity (Luthar et al., 2000). Research has demonstrated that Holocaust survivors exhibit resilience across several domains including psychological well-being and will to live (Bachner et al., 2018). In a meta-analysis, Barel et al. (2010) discuss that the motivation of Holocaust survivors to rebuild their lives led to the formation of protective mechanisms that later shielded them from dysfunction in several domains of functioning. The unique strength and adaptive coping mechanisms of Holocaust survivors were especially salient in qualitative studies, and scholars noted that their impressive resilience probably contributed to the fact that they survived the Holocaust and survived into very advanced age (O’Rourke et al., 2016).

The current study

The purpose of the current study is to examine the personal experiences and meaning that Holocaust survivors attribute to being victims of financial exploitation. Accordingly, the questions raised by this qualitative inquiry are as follows: What are the feelings and perceptions of Holocaust survivors following an experience of financial exploitation? How did they cope with financial exploitation? And what are their perceptions of protective and risk factors for financial exploitation? We expected that the qualitative method would allow us to delineate manifestations of both resilience and vulnerability among Holocaust survivors who experienced financial exploitation.

Method

Research approach

The methodology employed in this research is the phenomenological approach of qualitative research (Van Manen, 2014), focusing on describing the meaning and interpretations that participants ascribe to a given phenomenon (i.e. Holocaust survivors who experienced financial exploitation). The dearth of data and the wish to bring out participants’ individual voices are the two main reasons for the research to be inductive, within the thematic analysis framework. Phenomenological approaches focus on the human experiences and interactions that shape one’s cognitive perceptions and behavioral responses. Therefore, it enabled both to accommodate unexpected contents and data and incorporate it into the findings, thereby enhancing the quality and authenticity of the latter (Stake, 2010).

Participants

A snowball sample included 15 Holocaust survivors (10 females and five males) aged 79–92 (M = 84.66). Ten participants live in rural areas and five in urban areas within central Israel. Inclusion criteria were being born as a European-origin Jew before 1945, being Hebrew-speaking, reporting living in a European country occupied or dominated by the Nazi or pro-Nazi regimes between the years 1939 and 1945. Participants were interviewed regarding their financial well-being and perceptions of financial exploitation. Those who reported a financial exploitation experience were included in the present qualitative analysis. Exclusion criteria included having known cognitive or neurological impairments. Table 1 presents the participants’ background characteristics and the financial exploitation types they have reported.

Table 1. Participants background characteristics and types of financial exploitation reported.

Participant no.	Pseudonym	Age	Sex	Country of Birth	Education	Economic situation	Family status	Type of financial exploitation
1	Levy	86	M	Netherlands	Elementary school	3/5	Widow	Credit card theft
2	Rachel	92	F	Germany	BA	4/5	Widow	Telephone-credit fraud
3	Simon	81	M	Romania	MA	2/5	Married	Insurance and pension company exploitation
4	Danny	85	M	Netherlands	MA	4/5	Married	Real estate fraud; Bank over collection; Exploitation by state institutions
5	Tamara	79	F	Slovakia	High school	4/5	Married	Negligence by state institutions; Exploitation by state institutions
6	Naomi	92	F	Netherlands	Elementary school	3/5	Widow	Exploitation by an employer; Telephone-credit fraud
7	Judith	84	F	Slovakia	BA	4/5	Married	Credit card theft
8	Mina	90	F	Romania	Elementary school	3/5	Widow	Telephone-credit fraud
9	Esther	87	F	France	Elementary school	4/5	Widow	Exploitation by an employer
10	Joshua	85	M	Poland	MA	4/5	Married	Exploitation by an employer
11	Abigail	85	F	Netherlands	BA	4/5	Widow	Telephone-credit fraud
12	Noa	82	F	Hungary	BA	3/5	Widow	Credit card theft
13	Miriam	82	F	Netherlands	High school	4/5	Married	Telephone-credit fraud
14	Joseph	85	M	Germany	BA	4/5	Married	Refusal to repay a loan
15	Hannah	85	F	Poland	MA	4/5	Widow	Credit card theft

Procedure

Interviewees were recruited through the participants’ statement of willingness to contact them for interviews in a previous quantitative study conducted on the topic of financial exploitation and mental health amongst Holocaust survivors (Weissberger et al., 2023) and through additional snowball sampling, namely, by using existing interviewees as key persons for bringing in further potential interviewees who are compatible with the sample requirements. Face-to-face interviews took place at the participants’ homes at a time convenient for them between October 2022 and March 2023. Each interview lasted about one hour. Participants signed an informed consent form and were assured that all interviews would be kept confidential. This study received approval from the Bar-Ilan University ethics committee. Participants were interviewed by two research assistants who are graduates in the field of art therapies.

Data collection and analysis

Data were collected through semi-structured interviews (Cunningham et al., 2011). The interview guide included questions covering the following aspects: emotional (e.g. what were your feelings about the financial exploitation event during the days after the incident and today?), reactive (e.g. how did you react to the financial exploitation event?), behavioral (e.g. how has the financial exploitation event affected your daily life?), and protective and risk factors (e.g. who do you think is more vulnerable among older adults to financial exploitation?; In your opinion, how can financial exploitation of older adults be prevented?). Interviews were conducted in Hebrew and all quotes in the findings were translated from Hebrew to English. In light of past experience, it was decided not to use software programs for data analysis in this study because an overemphasis on coding and retrieval may distance the researcher from the data and result in loss of meaning and context (John & Johnson, 2000).

The four stages of content analysis were applied as proposed by Strauss (1987): open coding, axial coding, selective coding, and core category. This analysis reveals several core themes of meaning. Their description is intertwined with quotations from participants. Owing to the limited scope of this article, only a few representative quotes are provided. The frequency of the theme’s appearance among the participants was counted to point out trends, alongside presenting unique voices as is customary in qualitative research. Relationships were drawn across the themes, creating general concepts of the experienced phenomenon (Creswell & Poth, 2017). Themes were further divided into subthemes in cases in which the data were rich in content and, therefore, supported a subdivision of the theme.

Trustworthiness

To ensure the credibility of the interpretive analysis, first, a repeated back and forth shifting was made between the data and the conceptual perspective, and between it and the findings (Patton, 2002). Second, when interviewing participants, the interviewer used participants’ own words without interpreting them (Kelly, 2010). Additionally, following each interview, the first author (MB) listened to the recording and wrote reflective comments to improve the subsequent interviews. This helped reduce possible effects of interviewer style and presumptions, thus providing means to directly assess the consistency, appropriateness, and credibility of the obtained data. Third, peer debriefing (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000) was held, in which the first author (MB) shared the entire duration of data analysis with the coauthors (GW and AS), and the themes were identified via back-and-forth discussion and consensus between study authors. When differences of opinions occurred, they were settled via further discussions between study authors.

Results

As can be seen from Table 2, the findings emerging from the analysis indicate four main themes. The first relates to the participants’ negative emotional reactions toward financial exploitation. The emotions included feelings of anger, hurt, shock, helplessness, and being annoyed. The second theme refers to coping mechanisms related to financial exploitation. It includes adaptive mechanisms such as acting for the benefit of the self and the offspring, acting for the benefit of others, as well as alertness and caution as preventive measures. This theme further includes maladaptive coping mechanisms, including self-blame and rationalization. The third theme relates to a positive life motto which also reflects life values, including vitality and optimism, gratitude, helping the weak, and contentment with little. The fourth theme relates to protective and risk factors for financial exploitation. This includes familial and community protection, education, and preparing a will in advance.

Table 2. Thematic analysis and frequencies of themes among the participants.

Themes and sub-themes	Frequency of theme’s appearance among the participants (N = 15)
1. Negative emotional reactions toward financial exploitation	15
2. Coping mechanisms
2.1 Adaptive mechanisms	10
2.1.1 Acting for the benefit of the self and offspring
2.1.2 Helping others
2.1.3 Alertness and caution as preventive measures
2.2 Maladaptive mechanisms	5
2.2.1 Self-blame
2.2.2 Rationalization
3. Positive life motto
3.1 Vitality and optimism	10
3.2 Gratitude	10
3.3 Helping the weak	8
3.4 Contentment with little	6
4. Protective and risk factors
4.1 Family and community protection vs. living alone without resources	6
4.2 Education vs. lack of education	2

Negative emotional reactions toward financial exploitation (N = 15)

A multitude of negative emotional reactions toward financial exploitation emerged from the analysis of the interviews. Many said financial exploitation makes them angry, as indicated by Levy, who experienced theft of money using a credit card:

It made me so angry. I was so angry at what they did to me. I wanted to burst with anger. (Levy)

Others reported being annoyed, as described by Simon, who experienced a deliberate exploitation by an insurance company:

It annoys me so much how they steal old people’s money. It gives me a bad feeling. It’s annoying. It’s a terrible thing. (Simon)

Many participants said they felt hurt. For example, Rachel who acted to save another Holocaust survivors from trying to make him sign a will against his wish, said:

It is so immoral and inhumane to do such a thing to an old and lonely person, certainly to a Holocaust survivor. This is so unethical. This case hurts me so much. (Rachel)

Others expressed shock, as noted by Naomi who explained that her father died young after working in the shop for many years. Upon his death, it became clear that the employer did not take care of his rights, and therefore, the family did not receive any pension due to the father’s work:

When my father died it became clear that he had no rights. He worked in the same store for 21 years and the employer did not bother to set aside any money for him. We were shocked, not to mention that the salary was not high anyway. It was horrible. I have no other words to describe it. (Naomi)

Joshua experienced an overcollection of deposit fees from his employer for 12 years. When he tried to claim what he deserved and arranged a meeting with the CEO, he felt helpless and was unable to get a word out of his mouth:

I felt such a kind of helplessness, that there was not much I could do. I couldn’t emotionally claim what I deserved. I sat with the CEO. He didn’t talk and I didn’t talk. I tried to raise the issue with him, but I couldn’t emotionally do it. (Joshua)

Coping mechanisms

Adaptive mechanisms (n = 10)

Acting for the benefit of the self and offspring

Participants coped by taking proactive action against financial exploitation. Naomi experienced telephone fraud and in response initiated an appeal to a member in the Israeli parliament. This individual contacted the appropriate authorities who then acted against the company that defrauded Naomi. As a result, the fraud stopped completely:

They were really insolent and liars because they promised all kinds of things that were not fulfilled. At first, I didn’t know what to do, but then I heard about a member of the Knesset [the Israeli parliament] who handles such matters, and I contacted her. She took some action and as a result, the company stopped calling me. (Naomi)

Some participants made sure that what happened to them would not happen to their offspring. Simon described an instance of deliberate exploitation by an insurance company that takes advantage of the lack of knowledge of older adult customers. The insurance company offered him an alternative insurance plan, knowing that a pension fund would be better for him. Simon named it an “organized and planned fraud” and as a result he made sure that his son would establish pension insurance for himself as a self-employed person:

When my son turned 25, I told him: “Now, you go to a pension fund and start paying for your future so that what happened to me doesn’t happen to you.” Then, his friends … he had about five friends, they were convinced, and they also joined the pension fund. (Simon)

Helping others

Some participants acted to help Holocaust survivors who were in sensitive and weak situations and prevented them from experiencing the negative consequences of financial exploitation. For example, Rachel described how she could not remain indifferent to an attempt to exploit a lonely Holocaust survivors and acted to save him from trying to make him sign a will against his wish:

One day I learned about a lonely Holocaust survivor and contacted him. […] He said: “There is a nurse here [at the hospital where he is staying] who came with her husband and is trying to get me to sign all kinds of papers. […] At some point, I realized that they were trying to make me sign that I bequeath the apartment to them.” […] I picked up the phone to the head of the department where he was hospitalized and told him about the nurse and her husband. Three days later the Holocaust survivors called and told me that the head of the department came and talked to him about bequeathing the apartment to his department. I almost fainted and asked him: “To whom do you want to bequeath?” He said: “To a close friend.” In short, I made sure that his friend was listed in the will as the one who inherits his house and thus the Holocaust survivors died and the friend who doesn’t even know me got the apartment. (Rachel)

Simon described how for many years he has been involved in volunteering in nonprofit organizations providing important information about proper financial management. He linked this intense occupation to the sensitivity he developed following his experiences during the Holocaust:

I volunteer at a non-profit organization called “Coming for Doing Good” – a non-profit organization that deals with the fulfilment of benefits in all kinds of fields. […] I also volunteered in an association where we would travel to all kinds of IDF (Israel Defense Forces) bases and I would give lectures to soldiers who come from ruined families and I gave them lectures about proper financial management and how important it is to pay social security from the salary and avoid undeclared work. […] I now want to volunteer at a non-profit organization called “Citizen Advisory Service” which helps families manage their money correctly. Everything I went through in the Holocaust made me very sensitive to other people’s problems and instilled in me a desire to help the weak. (Simon)

Alertness and caution as preventive measures

Participants explained that they learned a lesson as a result of the exploitation they experienced and became more alert and cautious in their conduct. Levy, who experienced theft of money using a credit card by a salesman at a gas station, noted that since the incident he has been careful and only pays over the phone and not with a credit card:

Today I don’t give my credit card. Instead, I pay with the phone so I’m careful. This is the best payment method. Today I no longer walk with my wallet at all, I walk with my phone. It’s also more convenient and easier, and I also don’t leave my credit card with anyone. (Levy)

Judith, who experienced credit fraud, described how she has since been vigilant and checks her account status. She often checks to see if any purchases she did not make appear on the list:

Today I am more alert. I learned not to be tempted by all kinds of messages and all kinds of wonderful advertisements that are free and cheap: “You’ll get a gift”; “Buy this and get it free” – no such thing. Since then, I check the account more often. Today, you no longer need to run to the bank to get the printout. Today I log in via my iPad and see if what I bought is really on the list. The idea is to simply keep track of things, so it doesn’t happen again. (Judith)

Judith emphasized the importance of writing a will while the person is clearheaded and in healthy mind as a means of protection against will fraud:

I’m aware of all these cases where people of old age who are not lucid are taken advantage of, so I recommend to all people of a certain age to take care to make a will and make sure that their children know what is written in it. It is important for the person to determine in advance who will be his or her guardian in case s/he is unable to function. I did it so that outsiders wouldn’t take advantage of me if I reached a state of lack of clarity. (Judith)

Maladaptive mechanisms (n = 5)

Self-blame

When Danny signed payment forms for buying a house, the contractor signed him for a payment pegged to the US dollar even though the contractor told Danny that it is pegged to the New Israeli Shekel (NIS). Because of the difference between the currencies, he lost a cumulative sum of 30,000 NIS over the years. Danny claimed that the company knew about it and deceived him without him noticing it. Danny did not sue the company:

I felt that I had been cheated. This company has a saleswoman who was an expert in such scams. But the mistake was all mine since I didn’t ask to see their calculations. They told me to sign the contract without drawing my attention to the fact that I was paying pegged to the NIS and not to the US dollar and I signed without checking the calculation. I blame myself for that. Yes, in this case I only blame myself. (Danny)

Abigail fell victim to telephone fraud that entrapped her several times. In response, Abigail accused herself of naivety and lack of thoroughness:

It was my fault because I’m so naive. I should have done more research regarding these companies. I should have checked whether these people are honest, whether they deliver what they promise on the phone, and I didn’t do it. If I had done that, then I wouldn’t have been tricked a few times. (Abigail)

Similarly, Yaron blamed himself for not preventing a telephone fraud while naming himself as naïve person:

I screwed up. I was naïve. I’m a sucker and take the blame. The mistake was all mine. (Yaron)

Rationalization

Participants used rationalization to alleviate and soften the intensity of the harm they experienced as a result of fraud. Although rationalization may help alleviate pain, it can also dull one’s actions vis-à-vis wrongdoings. For example, during the many years of work at the Ministry of Education, officials in the Ministry did not inform Tamara about the courses that are counted for rewards associated with continuing education and promotion in rank. When she retired, it turned out that many courses she had taken were not counted and therefore her pension was lower than she expected. In what can be interpreted as an attempt to dull the pain of the financial loss, Tamara rationalized the situation while referring to the fact that she is a Holocaust survivor:

When I was a teacher, I constantly went to courses that I thought were considered for rewards associated with continuing education, but no one bothered to explain to me that there are courses that are not accepted for that purpose. Therefore, when I retired, most of the courses I studied over many years were not counted and my pension was lower than I expected. So, I said to myself: It’s not so bad that the Ministry of Education tricked me because, in those very days, I received my reparations (governmental monetary reparations provided by European countries under Nazi control). (Tamara)

Later in the interview, Tamara made a connection between the low pension and her being a Holocaust survivor and said:

I have already lost so much; I will stand by that as well. (Tamara)

In relation to the financial fraud experienced by Danny as described above, Danny put his trust in what he called a “universal order” and indicated receiving the reparations as “compensation” from the universe for the fraud loss:

The universe made some sort of order, so a little while later I received money from the reparations instead of what I lost. The most important thing is that from a financial point of view, today I am settled so that these few thousand NIS do not cause me to suffer from any kind of shortage. (Danny)

Positive life motto

Vitality and optimism (n = 10)

During the interviews, many participants described themselves as vital and optimistic people by nature. Some of them attributed this trait to their parents and some to their history as Holocaust survivors. For example, Simon attributed his optimism to the upbringing he received from his parents:

I’m an optimist by birth and a big part of that is thanks to my parents. What I’m trying to say is that if the children are good, it is a sign that their parents did a good job and vice versa; if there are children who do harmful acts, it’s not only them but also the parents who raised them. (Simon)

Some participants attributed their vitality and optimism to their traumatic history as Holocaust survivors, as stated in Levy’s words:

Those who spent their childhood during the Holocaust do not break easily and have an enormous lust for life. I’m an optimistic person by nature and even though today I’m not in good physical condition, I’m still optimistic. (Levy)

Noa attributed her optimism to the influence of her mother’s life philosophy on her:

The smile and the optimism are from my mother who was a hero. As she used to say: “Good [actions] need to be done, troubles come on their own.” And this is how we grew up. And that was her life philosophy.

Gratitude (n = 10)

During the interviews, it was evident that a significant number of participants take a stance of gratitude and gratefulness toward life. For example, Mina, attributed her tendency to be grateful to her father and gave an example of this through the way he parted from the world:

When my father was old and entered the nursing home, he wrote farewell letters to many people and then said to me: “Oh, I forgot to thank God!.” Then, he took the pencil and wrote: “God, thank you for the full life you gave me, for the qualities you gave me – to love nature, to love people.” These are the values that have been instilled in me since childhood. (Mina)

Later in the interview, Mina continued to express herself in a way that indicated gratitude toward life:

In life, it doesn’t help to make problems out of problems. You have to enjoy what you have and be thankful every morning for getting up. This should not be taken for granted. […] I like to look at the little things, look at a new flower, and be grateful for it. (Mina)

As a child in the Holocaust who was hidden in several houses and without parents, Esther learned to be independent from a young age without asking for help. Esther linked this harsh history to the gratitude she developed as an adult:

I never knew how to demand things. I was always grateful for everything I received and learned to manage on my own. That’s how I grew up. (Esther)

Helping the weak (n = 8)

Many participants engaged in volunteering and helping the weak in society. Some linked this directly to being Holocaust survivors, as indicated by Simon who described how the story of his rescue by a Righteous Among the Nations¹ member was a guideline for his entire life. He stated that the most important lesson he learned from this was to aid the weak:

The Righteous Among the Nations woman saved my family, and this inspired me to help the weak. This is the main thing I learned from the Holocaust. I appreciate it so much and try to convey to people the message that this is one of the important things to learn from the Holocaust. This is what guides me in life. (Simon)

Similarly, Naomi described how helping weak Holocaust survivors is a value for her as a Holocaust survivor:

As a Holocaust survivor, it was important to me throughout my life to help the weak, so I volunteered at “Amcha” [an aid organization for Holocaust survivors in Israel] and cooked for them. They had a small budget to buy groceries, but I managed to turn the basic products into delicious food. […] I also played for them on the piano […] (Naomi)

Joshua said that he volunteers in an organization that helps people recognize and claim their rights, benefits, and services:

I volunteer at a non-profit organization called “Ba’im Le’tov” [“Coming for Doing Good” in Hebrew, a senior citizen volunteering national program]. This is an association that deals with the realization of rights. That is, to help people fully realize their rights across all kinds of fields. (Joshua)

Contentment with little (n = 6)

One of the tendencies that emerged from some of the participants’ stories was the ability to be content with little. Some linked it to their history as Holocaust survivors, as explained by Noa who described how the poverty her family experienced as refugees after the Holocaust was accompanied by contentment with little. She stated that to this day she does not often complain and has never felt miserable:

We never wanted the impression to be given that because we were Holocaust survivors, we were poor. Until I got married, I lived a life of poverty, but I never felt that I was poor. I always got second-hand clothes and I would sew them a new collar, buttons, add some decoration, and be content with that. […] We never said: “I deserve it.” We didn’t think we deserved anything. We always made do with little without complaining and to this day it is like that. (Noa)

Danny described how for years he did not feel the need to realize his right to receive reparations from the Dutch government since he earned enough to support himself:

I didn’t even take the reparations I deserved from the Dutch government because I had a good salary at IBM and I didn’t need more than that. I thought I had enough, and I didn’t need more than that. After a few years, a social worker at my workplace dragged me to the offices in Jerusalem and arranged my reparations. (Danny)

Similarly, Miriam described herself as a person who does not tend to demand from others and is satisfied with what she has:

I never demanded things. I’ve always been content with what I had.

Protective and risk factors

Family and community protection vs. living alone without resources (n = 6)

Some participants referred to family and community as factors that protect them from financial exploitation. For example, Miriam mentioned her children and others in her community:

It’s not easy to take advantage of me because my children look after me. For example, every time I receive a tempting offer from some company on the phone, I immediately pass the phone to my daughter who works at a phone company, and she watches over me. Crooks hurt people who have no resources, no abilities, no family support, and no back. […] Crooks will look for lonely people in the city, but I’m protected because I live in a communal settlement where everyone knows everyone and helps each other. (Miriam)

Mina stated that she puts her trust in her family members who take responsibility for her finances. As a result, she feels protected and lives carefree:

Thank God today I’m protected. I’m not responsible for my finances. My son oversees my finances, so I don’t worry. I feel the richest in the world because I’m surrounded and protected by my family and therefore, I have nothing to worry about. (Mina)

Education vs. lack of education (n = 2)

Two participants stated that the lack of education is one of the major risk factors for the financial exploitation of Holocaust survivors. Rachel mentioned that thanks to her educated family, the chances of her being subjected to financial exploitation again are lower:

Educated Holocaust survivors know how to protect themselves. Uneducated Holocaust survivors – this is the address of the fraudsters. Take me for example, my husband was a lawyer, and my son is a lawyer, so almost no one messed with me. (Rachel)

Simon, who holds an academic degree in actuary, said that based on his prior knowledge, he was able to prevent harm and led a scammer to a dead end until she had to hang up the phone:

Once a lady called me and said: “We are from the lottery company. Transfer some amount to us every month and we promise you that you will win prizes every month.” I asked her if she was sure she was from the lottery company. She replied that she is not from the lottery company but is a representative of a company that specializes in all kinds of lotteries. Then I asked her for her ID, and she refused. So, I told her: “If you are not ready to give me your ID number, then why should I give you mine?” and she hung up. (Simon)

Discussion

The current study focused on the experience of revictimization among older adult Holocaust survivors exposed to financial exploitation. The qualitative analyses of interviews produced novel insights with regards to the adaptive and maladaptive coping mechanisms of Holocaust survivors with financial exploitation, their mottos in life, and their perceptions of protective and risk factors of financial exploitation. Previous quantitative studies highlighted a stronger psychological reaction of Holocaust survivors to various adverse events relative to older adults not directly exposed to the Holocaust. For example, relative to comparison counterparts, Holocaust survivors reported more psychological distress following diverse post-Holocaust adverse events (Shrira et al., 2010), or amid specific adverse events such as war (Solomon & Prager, 1992). Recent works also pointed to higher COVID-19-related stress among Holocaust survivors, especially when the pandemic generated associations with similar experiences encountered during the focal trauma (Shrira et al., 2020). In the context of financial exploitation, a recent quantitative study by our group found that Holocaust survivors with high levels of PTSD symptoms who experienced financial exploitation had greater depressive and anxiety symptoms compared to Holocaust survivors with low-level PTSD and non-Holocaust survivor counterparts (Weissberger et al., 2023).

The current findings further attest to the psychological distress expressed by Holocaust survivors following financial exploitation, a re-victimization experience that can be reminiscent of conditions during the focal trauma. The present findings show that all participants experienced expected negative emotional reactions to financial exploitation such as feelings of anger, hurt, shock, and helplessness. This is consistent with a qualitative study by Nguyen et al. (2021) that examined financial exploitation in older adults and also found the emotional impact to be a theme of their narratives, and with numerous quantitative studies on financial exploitation that have found depression, anxiety, and posttraumatic stress to be correlates of financial exploitation (Lichtenberg et al., 2016; Weissberger et al., 2020; Weissberger, 2022). In addition, one-third of participants described maladaptive coping mechanisms which were expressed through self-blame and rationalization while two-thirds presented notable adaptive coping mechanisms which were expressed through acting for the benefit of the self and offspring, helping others, and alertness and caution as preventive measures (none of the interviewees described using both mechanisms during the interview). In this regard, Nguyen et al. (2021) also found that several participants expressed increased vigilance following the financial exploitation incident. In a related aspect, most of the participants reported having the following positive life mottos: vitality and optimism, gratitude, helping the weak, and contentment with little. These mottos may relate to the abovementioned adaptive coping mechanisms. Whereas maladaptive coping mechanisms were found among Holocaust survivors, the literature documents many adaptive mechanisms in this group (Békés et al., 2021; Greene, 2002); and the current study further demonstrates how such adaptive mechanisms come into action following revictimization by financial exploitation.

Adaptive coping mechanisms imply that individuals believe they have some mastery to handle the situation, whereas maladaptive coping patterns indicate an appraisal of being overwhelmed by the situation and related emotions, and/or refusal to tackle the problem (Skinner et al., 2003). In the current study, acting for the benefit of the self may allude to a problem-solving strategy, which is regarded as a competence-based coping strategy and receives support from previous studies with Holocaust survivors (Greene, 2002; O’Rourke et al., 2016). However, the current study adds to the literature by showing that the participants also helped their offspring and others and perceived helping the “weak” not fall victim to financial exploitation as a positive life motto. This is in line with findings showing a relatively high level of volunteering among Holocaust survivors (Kahana et al., 2013, 2015). These findings stress the value of altruistic attitudes as an important additional factor, along with other prosocial behaviors, in fostering life satisfaction and positive affect in old age (Kahana et al., 2013).

Vitality and optimism were found among most of the participants as a positive life motto. In the qualitative study by Nguyen et al. (2021), an optimistic outlook was also expressed by several participants who framed the financial exploitation event as a learning opportunity, seeing value in being resilient and learning from the experience. Vitality and optimism are important components for psychological well-being and are related with resilience (Huppert & So, 2013). However, to date, these findings have not been reported in research on Holocaust survivors confronting recurrent trauma. Finally, gratitude was another positive life motto found in the current study among most of the participants. This finding is not surprising since gratitude is associated with resilience among people coping with PTSD (Vieselmeyer et al., 2017).

Finally, the interviews included references to risk and protective factors. Risk factors among older adults often include, among other factors, lower education levels and living alone, while protective factors include social support/social embeddedness (Storey, 2020). The current study showed that Holocaust survivors exposed to financial exploitation were able to garner their experience and to correctly pinpoint major protective and risk factors related to financial exploitation. The ability to recognize these factors may help them decrease their own risk of future financial exploitation and may further help them identify those who are at risk and take action to protect them.

The current study has several limitations. First, the sample was biased as it included a majority of mostly healthy and functioning women. Future efforts should be allocated to study the effects of financial exploitation in older adults with significant disability and cognitive or neurological impairments. Second, the sample included 15 participants; this may be considered a relatively small sample in qualitative studies. Still, it should be noted that it was quite difficult to find Holocaust survivors who reported financial exploitation due to various reasons: among others, the relatively low prevalence of reported financial exploitation (Weissberger et al., 2023) and the difficulty in locating older adult Holocaust survivors who could be interviewed in length on the subject.

Despite the limitation, the study further contributes to our understanding of older adult Holocaust survivors, and potentially other traumatized individuals, who experienced revictimization. In this regard, findings of this study have broader implications for understanding financial exploitation in older adulthood. Findings highlight the importance of considering risk factors and consequences of financial exploitation in older adults with a history of trauma and who may have associated PTSD symptoms. Future qualitative and quantitative research designs may further elucidate how childhood adversity and traumatic experiences modify risk factors and consequences commonly associated with financial exploitation. Such studies may consider examining both the vulnerabilities and resiliencies of these groups of older adults. Healthcare providers working with older adults who have a traumatic past may consider assessing for financial vulnerabilities and history of financial exploitation to provide additional support when deemed necessary, and maximize the resiliencies that their patients may have to help them recover from instances of re-traumatization.

This study focused on the experience of revictimization among older adult Holocaust survivors exposed to financial exploitation. Emerging themes point to new information about adaptive and maladaptive coping mechanisms of Holocaust survivors with a history of financial exploitation, as well as to their mottos in life and perceptions of protective and risk factors of financial exploitation. The relatively many participants who adopted adaptive mechanisms and positive mottos in life despite the suffering and pain caused by the traumatic past and revictimization, reflect the intertwinement of vulnerability and resilience (cf. Shmotkin, 2003).

Ethical approval

Ethical approval was obtained from the Institutional Review Board of Bar-Ilan University (IRB#: 09-22).

Acknowledgments

The authors gratefully thank the research assistants and study participants.

Disclosure statement

The authors report there are no competing interests to declare.

Data availability statement

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author, [MB], upon reasonable request.

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by a grant from The Minerva Center on Intersectionality in Aging (MCIA).

Notes on contributors

Moshe Bensimon

Moshe Bensimon is an associate professor in the Department of Criminology at Bar-Ilan University. His research interests include post-traumatic stress disorder and post-traumatic growth among terror victims; combat stress reaction; music therapy with trauma and addiction; and family members of offenders.

Gali H. Weissberger

Gali H. Weissberger is a senior lecturer in the Department of Social and Health Sciences at Bar-Ilan University. Her research interests include understanding risk factors and consequences of financial exploitation and elder abuse, and cognitive aging.

Amit Shrira

Amit Shrira is a full professor and the head of the Department of Social and Health Sciences at Bar-Ilan University. His research focuses on the intersection between traumatic events and the aging process, including late-life reactions to trauma and intergenerational transmission.

Notes

1 An official title given by the State of Israel to non-Jews who risked their own lives in helping and rescuing Jews during the Holocaust.