Host Communities and Elderly Refugees in Post-Apartheid South Africa: A Discourse of Conflict and Peaceful Co-Existence

Abstract

Against current debates that the relationships between the host communities and the displaced elderly community are conflictual and friendly, the paper argues that the host community may either be hostile or warm to the displaced elderly refugees. Against this backdrop, this study examines the relationship between host communities and elderly refugees in post-Apartheid South Africa. A qualitative research design was used to collect data from the participants in Eastern Cape Province, South Africa, selected towns and cities. Even though the study focuses on one Province of South Africa, this finding challenges the often-over-generalised perception of South Africa as ‘xenophobic’. It unpacks the hidden resilient social systems and relationships that bind local populations and refugees, especially the elderly ones. In the search for national, regional, and global answers on the best way to manage the refugee crisis, this study provides insights into community-level structures and dynamics that would benefit policymaking at the national and international levels.

Keywords:

• Elderly
• Host Community
• Refugee
• Xenophobic

Introduction

The discourse on risks and support systems for refugees in South Africa has been debated among critical stakeholders (Davies, 2012). The position of the South African government is that the refugees should be accorded some fundamental rights as contained in the Refugee Act of 1998 (Department of Home Affairs, 2017, p. 24). This Act stipulates that refugees or asylum seekers have rights to employment, security, medical treatment, free HIV/AIDs treatment, and the right to marry, among other vital rights (Legal Resources Centre, 2016). However, implementing these rights, especially for elderly refugees, has been inadequate (Memela, 2014). One of the reasons for this inadequacy could be insufficient funds to provide welfare services to elderly refugees (Memela, 2014). This is essential because of their fragility and feebleness, which limit their capacity to fend for themselves. Many of them are battling various types of non-communicable diseases, such as strokes and diabetes, without adequate assistance from the government of South Africa (Theron, 2014).

While, in theory, the government seems receptive and supportive of refugees, some members of the host communities appear hostile to them. They see refugees as ‘big’ burdens to their limited resources, basic infrastructures, and social welfare services (Omeokachi, 2014). As a result, they deliberately block them from accessing a few social welfare packages from the government. Theron (2014) emphasized that elderly refugees are treated like ‘human waste’ in their host communities. This view is also in line with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and faith-based organizations (FBOs). For instance, according to Peberdy (2001), Crush and Tawodzera (2014), and White and Rispel (2021), refugees in South Africa have little or no access to essential healthcare services and housing; instead, they are subjected to frequent attacks, rape, and murder from host communities.

Similarly, some advocacy groups have also noted that the refugees in South Africa have become easy targets for criminals (Mamela, 2014). Some are robbed of their little possessions, raped, physically and emotionally assaulted, and even murdered (El-Bushra & Fish, 2004; Mamela, 2014). Human Rights Watch notes that refugees in South Africa have, at one point in time, witnessed the killings of their loved ones without help from the host government.

At this juncture, it is pertinent to state existing theoretical and empirical debates on the relationships between displaced refugees and host communities. Existing studies produced mixed results on their relationships. While some studies revealed that host communities are receptive and supportive as they welcome and show love, empathy and care for the displaced elderly people, other studies showed that they are hostile and non-receptive to them. This paper posits that while some members of the host communities may be receptive and friendly and supportive, others may not. It should be stressed that research on refugees and asylum seekers in South Africa has not focused on the challenges of the elderly and how these challenges influence our understanding of the intricate relationship between displaced persons and host communities. There are increasing concerns about rapid immigration into South Africa, which has affected the relationship between locals and refugees This study contributes to existing conceptual, theoretical and empirical debates. Therefore, the objective of this study is to examine the relationship between host communities and the displaced elderly refugees. The study attempts to interrogate pervasive and controversial views about xenophobia in post-apartheid South Africa and the implications for the politics of belonging. Also, this study is significant as it can potentially extend the debates on forced displacement in the South African context.

Displaced persons and host communities: a relationship of polemics?

Given the increasing number of refugees worldwide, examining existing literature on the relationships between refugees, host communities, and countries of residence is imperative. The dominant discourse on refugee-host community relations revealed a ‘strained relationship’. Put differently, most studies on refugee/host community relations show that members of the host communities mistreat the refugees, perhaps, because of their wrong perceptions of them. Studies revealed that the strained relationship between refugees and host communities is influenced by some members’ negative perceptions of the refugees (Gordic et al., 2017). In a study on Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, Kudrat (2020) reports that the influx of displaced refugees is gradually becoming a serious security threat to the host country. The author further argues that “the local people often feel insecure and do not know what they would do if the Rohingya refugees become violent” (Kudrat, 2020, p. 10). To support the claim above, Idris (2017) asserted that the Rohingya refugees’ inflow into Bangladesh has political undertones because community members see them as inciting religious-inclined political crises within Bangladesh and other neighboring countries like India and Myanmar. This could mean that the displaced refugees will likely cause socio-economic and political problems in the host countries/communities.

Studies in Southern African countries have revealed the cruel treatment of conflict-induced refugees. For instance, Crush and Pendleton (2004) conducted a study on the attitude of South Africa, Namibia, and Botswana toward refugee policy in their respective countries. The analysis results indicated that most of the citizens of the three countries had severe, unpleasant, and repulsive attitudes toward refugees in their respective countries. While writing in the context of South Africa, Omeokachi (2014) states that refugees in South Africa are found to be engaging in political activities, which some members of the host communities consider inimical to the political stability of their country. According to (Dauda et al., 2021; Okolie & Joseph, 2021), the frequent attacks on foreign nationals and refugees in South Africa are justified because they compete with the indigenous people over scarce resources. The primary hostility toward refugees and migrants in South Africa remains xenophobia. For instance, Dagadu and Ihedioha (2021, p. 2) observe that xenophobia in South Africa “comprises actual acts coordinated towards a group, again exclusively in light of the fact that individuals from this group come from different nationalities”. While commenting on the maltreatment of the elderly in South Africa, Dube (2021) argues that older people are disrespected, discriminated against, labeled, and abused. The author adds that “older persons felt disrespected and not being valued” by other age groups in South Africa (Dube, 2021, p. 115).

From the foregoing, while there are many studies on the relationships between refugees and host-communities in South Africa, existing studies have not focused on the challenges of the elderly refugees and how these challenges influence our understanding of the intricate relationship between displaced persons and host communities. Also, there are a few studies that interrogated pervasive and controversial views about xenophobia in post-apartheid South Africa and the implications for the politics of belonging (Dauda et al., 2021; Okolie & Joseph, 2021). In addition, existing studies in South Africa were not specific to displaced elderly refugees but rather on the general refugees. This current study focused on displaced elderly refugees, their challenges, relationships with host communities, and how they compounded their situations.

Theoretical framework: the refugee integration model

Alastair Ager and Alison Strang, 2008, developed this theory. The theory was built on existing literature on refugee integration, fieldwork in refugee resettlement, and other data. The theory argues that displaced refugees are often deprived of social services in various host communities and equally experience marginalization in their host countries. Some studies revealed that many displaced refugees are impoverished and lived in socio-economically disadvantaged neighborhoods. Against this background, the theory proposes key elements or domains in refugee integration. These proposals are as follows: 1) employment, 2) housing, 3) education, and 4) health; 5) social bridges, 6) social bonds, and 7) social links; 8) language and cultural knowledge, and 9) safety and stability, and 10) citizenship rights. The theory argues that citizenship rights are the core of the integration efforts, and it is the responsibility of the host governments to provide these integrating elements. Ager and Strang (2008) noted that the public policy on refugees focuses on employment, housing, education, and health. While they are critical in achieving integration, other domains are equally important. Their successes depend on the other six domains that public policy always excludes. For instance, employment, citizenship, and legal rights depend on each other: the legal right to work and the social security available for those who cannot get a job.

It should be noted that this theory highlighted some key elements in addressing the needs of the refugees, and these could be used as indicators to assess the state’s refugee policies (Ager & Strang, 2004, 2008). Those key elements could also be used to achieve the goal of integrating refugees into their host countries. However, some scholars argued that integration indicators alone might not be helpful (Coussey, 2000; Fyvie et al., 2003). Phillimore and Goodson (2008) argued that evaluating the relationship of the measures can provide insights into the understanding of the integration experience (Phillimore & Goodson, 2008; Valtonen, 2004). To Ager and Strang (2008, p. 167) and Valtonen (2004), integration indicators help measure desired policy outcomes.

Specifically, displaced elderly refugees warmly welcomed and received by the members of the host communities are more likely to have access to and enjoy available resources and facilities in the host communities, making their integration faster (Phillimore & Goodson, 2008; Valtonen, 2004). On the other hand, displaced elderly refugees who are not received and welcome by the members of the host communities are more likely to deny access to available resources and resources; and as a result, their social integration may be adversely impacted (Fyvie et al., 2003; Mestheneos & Ioannidis, 2002).

Methodology

The research setting is the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa. Three cities, namely; East London, King William’s Town¹ and Port Elizabeth were purposefully selected for the study. This is because they are some of the largest cities in South Africa. There is the possibility of refugees making the selected cities their final destination. This study adopted a qualitative research design. The study population in this research consists of elderly refugees and refugee host communities in the Eastern Cape Province, South Africa. The study adopted non-probabilistic sampling techniques such as purposive and snowball sampling to select the study participants. These two non-probabilistic sampling techniques were adopted because the population has no sampling frame where a sampling size could be drawn. Purposive sampling to identify individuals within the stakeholder collectives in refugee management. They include thirty (30) elderly refugees in East London, Port Elizabeth, and King William’s Town and twenty (20) members of refugee communities. The majority of the refugees (22) are from Somalia, Senegal (1), Ethiopia (1), DR Congo (2), Tanzania (1), Malawi (2) and Cameroon (1). The overrepresentation of older refugees from Somalia was because the Somali refugee population in South Africa outnumbered those from other countries (UNHCR, 2017; Ibrahim, 2016). Also, 20 older participants are male, while only ten are female. The underrepresentation of older women was due to the difficulty of getting access to them to participate. Thus, the study had fifty (50) participants in total.

In-depth interviews and FGD were used to obtain data for this study. The researchers collected data as they visited the participants in their respective places. The majority of the interviews were conducted in the English Language since they could, to some extent, communicate in English. However, a few participants could neither speak nor write in English. For these participants, interpreters were hired by the researchers. These interpreters helped collect data from them under the watch and guidance of the researchers.

Data were analyzed using content and thematic analyses. Responses were first typed into the system to familiarize ourselves with the data. Then, patterns were observed and identified. From these patterns, themes were developed. These themes were analyzed using the content analytical technique. Ethical clearance (UME011SYUS01) to conduct the study was obtained from the University of Fort Hare Ethics Committee. The study strictly followed ethical standards as the confidentiality and anonymity of the participants were maintained. Some participants allowed the researchers to tape-record their responses during data collection, while others refused. The researchers jotted down the participants’ responses that declined to be tape-recorded. In addition, the right of the participants to withdraw their participation was emphasized.

Research results

Elderly refugees and their lived experiences: empirical narratives

In answer to a question on lived experiences of elderly refugees in their host communities, five (5) out of thirty (30) displaced elderly refugees interviewed expressed that their experiences have been good. Their narratives agree that not all South Africans mistreated refugees as generally perceived by most refugees. For instance, a 63-year-old Somalian refugee who lives in East London noted that “while some South Africans may treat us badly bad, there are good ones among them. Perhaps, those who are attacking refugees are drunkards or the frustrated” (In-depth interview, 63-year-old, Male, Somalia, July 22, 2019). In the same vein, a 65-year-old DR Congo refugee expressed his view thus:

I can say my experience staying in South Africa is good … There is xenophobia, but I never face that thing because I live with South Africans, and they even give me a unique name, “Chawe” …It is a big name which means chief. They always call me like that …If I go with you to the mall, you’ll see how they call my name. Nobody can see me without greeting me because they love me. Many of them talk to me nicely. If they have problems, they come to me. (In-depth interview, 65-year-old Male (EL), DR Congo, 10^th May 2019.)

Furthermore, a 69-year-old refugee from Somalia said, “my experience in South Africa has been good. I have never been attacked or robbed. I will say I am satisfied with what I have seen in South Africa”. He added that:

I have never witnessed anything of such. I mean discrimination by the locals since I have been in South Africa. It is fair if I say they verbally abuse me. Those women who stay here are mostly peaceful. The guys who verbally abuse foreigners are those drunkards, the homeless. To be honest, the people in this Province are good. They are accommodating (In-depth interview, 69-year-old Male, KWT, Somalia, June 30 2019).

In addition, other refugees noted the remarkable level of freedom and respect for human rights in South Africa, which they were denied in their home countries. For example, a participant from Malawi reacted this way:

I have been in South Africa for almost 20 years. My family is in Mozambique. I left them a long time ago. First of all, we are all human beings, and we need to be respected as human beings. If you are a citizen in your country, you need to have a say. The freedom I find in South Africa, there is no country I can compare. The freedom I didn’t get at home made me leave Malawi for South Africa. (In-depth interview, 65-year-old, Malawi, Male/East London^, May 10 2019.)

While these opinions point to the good personal accounts of a few participants, most interviewees narrated their negative experiences at the hands of South African. These include verbal, physical, and emotional attacks in their host communities. The refugees complained that some members of the host communities always called them Kwerekwere and other verbal abuses. Kwerekwere is mimicry and a derogatory word used across ethnic groups in South Africa to mock foreigners’ accents and personalities, especially those from neighboring countries like Mozambique and Zimbabwe and other black African countries such as Nigeria and Somalia. Most of these participants mentioned that they had endured a series of verbal abuses from some members of the host communities for so long that they were used to them. A 68-year-old Somalian refugee noted that:

We experience verbal abuse daily; we must endure it because we cannot return to our own country even if we want to. There is no other country we can go back to except South Africa. We are not happy with that, but there is no country we can go back to right now” (In-depth interview, 68-year-old, Somalia, June 16 2020.).

Another participant, who looked forlorn and very subdued, explained that “the locals abused me saying all sorts of things like you are here to spoil our country like you spoil your own country to come to South Africa” (In-depth interview, 68-year-old, Female (Port Elizabeth), Somalia, June 16 2020). In a similar view, a 75-year-old said, “we cry sometimes because we are in a country where we are not wanted. We are in a country where we are not treated as equal. But we all just have to endure the difficult periods and be patient” (In-depth interview, 75-year-old, Female (PE), Somalia, June 11 2020). A participant expressed that some South Africans did not respect elders. According to him:

I have faced a lot of discrimination, especially from the locals and banks. There was an incident that happened to me a week ago. I was to pay money at a bank very close to my business location. I was robbed, and I immediately called the police. While they were looking at CCTV for further evidence, the bank said, no, we cannot give you this thing. (In-depth interview, 67-year-old female, (KWT, Ethiopia, June 30 2019.)

The researcher observed that those who verbally attacked refugees were uneducated; some were drunkards or poor. Therefore, it would be unfair to generalize that all members of the host communities verbally attacked refugees.

Furthermore, some of the interviewed refugees complained that in addition to verbal abuse, they also experienced physical attacks. A refugee community leader based in East London noted xenophobic attacks targeted at black foreigners/refugees in South Africa even though there was no record of such attacks in East London (In-depth interview, 72-year-old, Somalia, Male (EL), May 25 2019). A 58-year-old woman from Somalia expressed that:

I have experienced a xenophobic attack. That has happened to me and some other refugees. Nevertheless, the good thing about my experience in South Africa is that we have been living here for a very long time. We have raised our kids here. We have education, and we have got our refugee papers. The bad experience is that the crime rate and attack here is too high. (In-depth interview, 58-year-old, Female (EL), Somalia, May 19 2019.).

A 70-year-old male refugee narrated that one of his fellow refugees was killed in Johannesburg, making him leave the place for East London. He said, “he was shot by one South African man. It was a terrible experience to see your close friend being killed in your presence. This man attempted to kill me too” (In-depth interview, 70-year-old, Male (KWT, Somalia, June 30 2019). One participant expressed that the South African government was doing its best, but many South Africans mistreated refugees. He stated;

I cannot say life is terrible here, but life has been so difficult coupled with the crime. Sometimes, people attack you. They call you names, especially when you are a refugee or foreigner. Sometimes, you feel bad. The government is good, but we have problems with South Africans. Yeah, I worked with someone in Gauteng in 2013; they attacked my brothers and me there. (In-depth interview, 63-year-old, Male, KWT, Somalia, June 30 2019.)

In another interview, a 66-year-old Somalian refugee shared his experience in South Africa thus:

Even the citizens of South Africa robbed us and called us names … About two years ago, there was an encounter when I experienced physical abuse from one of the locals. There was this guy who was standing outside my home. So, as I was going back home around 6 pm, I saw three guys standing outside my door. I just asked them how can I help them when you are standing outside my door. Then the guy said I was not supposed to say why they were standing in front of my land. So, they started beating me. They broke my leg and hit me on my chest. (In-depth interview, 66-year-old, Somalia, Male (PE), June 16 2020.)

A discussant indicated that “there was a time I was slapped and robbed by the locals at a meat shop. The police did not even call me to find out what happened to me and the incidence despite the fact that I reported the matter to them. Emotionally, I am not stable and I have not gotten any emotional support from anybody” (Focus Group Discussion, 66-year-old, Male (PE), Somalia, June 16 2020). In an interview, a 72-year-old participant narrated that he had been attacked many times:

I have got an injury to my hand. They took my cell phone and my money. I reported it to the police and didn’t get any reply. Suppose you go to South African police stations like Soweto police station, Johannesburg, and Mamelodi. There are many cases against members of the host communities, but we do not get an answer. When you go to the police station, they will tell you that they will track your phone for you, but they will not call you at the end of the day (In-depth interview, 72-year-old, Male, Somalia, June 16 2020).

From the above narratives, one can deduce that the narratives of elderly refugees interviewed for this study are nuanced. However, most views highlighted cases of verbal and physical attacks in the host communities. The study shows that much of the contention stems from the perception of foreigners, but refugees in particular, as competitors over the few available resources. The percentage of unemployed people, especially among black South Africans, is rising, and many are plummeting into poverty. Therefore, attacking refugees might be a collective expression against their worsening socio-economic situations. The refugees who owned shops lamented that some members of the host communities often looted their shops. A refugee community leader based in East London stressed that elderly refugees who had managed to open shops often had their shops looted. According to him, the only attacks they experienced were “stealing and robbery perpetrated by a few members of the host community” (In-depth interview, 72-year-old, Male (EL), Somalia, June 12 2019). Similarly, a 74-year-old participant from Somalia said he had experienced physical assaults from some host community members. He said:

I have experienced that before. As you can see, this is a knife wound on my hand. I was here in my shop when it happened; that was 2009 or 2010, a long time ago. I was fighting with a local when the thief was stealing. I was able to catch him, and he knelt. Suddenly, he pointed a knife at me and injured me (In-depth interview, 74-year-old, Male (EL), Somalia, June 12 2019).

Some refugees argued that when South Africans who looted their shops and businesses were caught and beaten, other South Africans would retaliate even if they were also convinced that these people were criminals or looters. One of the participants said that “South Africans see it as a crime when you (foreigner) overpowered a criminal and you beat him; you will be the wrong person, but from the beginning, when the criminal is doing something, nobody will say anything” (In-depth interview, 72-year-old, Male (EL), Somalia, June 12 2019). A refugee woman shared her experiences thus:

There were many times the locals would come and steal my things. They bring out a knife if I want to make a move, not to allow them to steal. There was a time I tried to shout, but the locals were laughing at me. They were not helping. (In-depth interview, 68-year-old Somalian, June 17 2019).

In a similar answer during an FGD, a discussant from Malawi in King Williams Town expressed that some South Africans verbally attacked him. He said, “that is just too much because since I came to South Africa, I have experienced several verbal attacks. It is a daily experience … Some are nice people and some of them will never control themselves” (Focus Group Discussion, 67-year-old, Somalia, June 30 2019). Furthermore, a 66-year-old discussant in Port Elizabeth expressed that:

South Africans talk to you in a strange language, like you are Kwerekwere, but I don’t mind them because I have heard more experience staying in South Africa for many years. I don’t follow them whenever they talk to me in a strong language. Sometimes they push when in the queue when I am in the supermarket; they jump the line when they know you are not from South Africa (Focus Group Discussion, 66-year-old, Male (PE), Somalia, June 16 2020.).

Another participant, a 67-year-old discussant from Somalia, noted that “last month, we lost a boy who was shot on his way from the mosque. They attacked him and asked him to bring whatever he had, he didn’t give them and then he was shot; it was at night around 8:00pm” (Focus Group Discussion, 67-year-old, Male (PE), Somalia, June 16 2020). Similarly, a 64-year-old from Somalia based in King Williams Town said, “I have even been shot in Port Elizabeth when I was working in a shop and some gun men came in to rob the shop. They were very young guys and I thought that it was only one person. A guy just came out with firearm and started shooting and they ran away; that was in 2006 at Port Elizabeth” (Focus Group Discussion, 64-year-old, Male (PE), Somalia, June 16 2020). When asked why he was shot, the discussant replied thus; “I think they were just criminals … they just came to rob me of my possession. Perhaps, it could also possible to be a xenophobic attack because most of the xenophobic attacks are economically motivated” (Focus Group Discussion, 64-year-old, Male (PE), Somalian, June 16 2020).

Furthermore, a 59-year-old discussant explained, “I have experienced a lot particularly a decade ago when I started my small business, just around here about 5 meters away from here, a guy came out and shot one of us. It was a bad experience” (Focus Group Discussion, 60-year-old, Male (PE), Somalia, June 16 2020). While commenting on her experience of physical attacks in South Africa, an FGD discussant noted that:

I have never been attacked because whenever they come to rob me, I always cooperate with them by asking them to take whatever they want and leave me alone. There was a time I was with my husband, and they tried to beat him. I said to them, why are you beating him? Do you want money? Furthermore, I just took money out of the car and gave them the money. I want peace, so take the money and go. (Focus Group Discussion, 69-year-old female (PE), Somalia, June 16 2020.)

From the above results, the participants and discussants seemed to be in a dilemma. While they have experienced tough incidences, they do not want to return to their home countries. They argued that they could not get more than what they were enjoying in South Africa back in their own countries. However, other participants and discussants narrated that they experienced minor to significant attacks. As they indicated, the attacks also range from physical to verbal. While some experienced verbal attacks, others suffered physical attacks. In addition, the researcher observed that some law enforcement agents also physically abused refugees, and their actions encouraged some members of the host communities to attack refugees physically. It was indicated that some elderly refugees who had decided to engage in informal economic activities had their shops looted by members of the host communities. Further analysis showed that most of those who looted shops owned by the refugees were criminals and drunkards. There is no society without criminals and drunkards. However, from the narratives of certain immigrants, some educated South Africans also have negative attitudes toward refugees, especially elderly refugees.

Discrimination against elderly refugees: reaction from host communities

While some members of the host communities have positive perceptions of elderly refugees, others see them as “problems”. Those with positive perceptions argued that refugees were generally industrious and needed to be assisted and supported by the host communities and the government. A participant noted that:

Refugees are vulnerable people who need help, financial assistance, and health care. This is because some of them come in wounded. So, they need the country [South Africa] to take care of them and every financial need, especially regarding health. Furthermore, as South Africans, we need to be kind to them in the best possible way. (In-depth interview, 36-year-old, Female, South African citizen, July 18 2019.)

In addition, a participant voiced thus: “since government argued that they cannot attend to their needs, they should be allowed to engage in informal economic activities with adequate protection from looters and thieves” (In-depth interview, 39-year-old, Female, South African citizen, July 25 2019). According to a participant, “they are establishing their own business. Some of them are selling groceries; some of them are into construction work. Most of them occupy empty spaces in the community” (In-depth interview, 39-year-old, Female, South African citizen, July 18 2019). In the same vein, a participant said:

These people are hardworking people who are operating different businesses. They are trying to make a living to feed their families. Instead of getting a government job, they are creating jobs for themselves and employing us. So, they create their jobs rather than grabbing government jobs and hiring some of us despite their advanced ages. (In-depth interview, 40-year-old Male, South African citizen, July 24 2019.)

A host community member argued that refugees should be treated well because they are human beings like local people. He said, “we are the same … the borders that we have are colonial imposed borders. We are all Africans because many of these refugees are from Africa. They are our brothers and sisters. We don’t question the citizenship of white people but we treat our fellow Africans in different ways and I don’t think that is good” (In-depth interview, 36-year-old, Female, Mdantsane (East London), June 27 2019). Similarly, another participant expressed that “as far I am concerned, people use to say life is too short but to me life is long because we shouldn’t discriminate against refugees because we can be in that situation as well. I can see myself in Zambia or DRC. As a South African, we can find ourselves in that situation as well. So, I can’t discriminate” (In-depth interview, 50-year-old Male, South African citizen, July 26 2019).

However, some members of the host communities argued that refugees always created problems wherever they were. According to a participant:

Many refugees were killed in a village near us [Phumlani] because they caused problems for the village members. But, in my town, we did not kill them … We do not tolerate them. We do not even allow them to have shops, and I want it that way because it is always chaotic anywhere, they are, and it seems I am safe. It is usually chaotic anywhere you find foreigners, especially those with Spaza shops. We do not want them (foreigners) in our community. (In-depth interview, 36-year-old, Female, South African citizen, June 27 2019).

Some host communities accused refugees of flirting with young South African girls, often using them to secure permanent residency permits. They argued that this practice was taking undue advantage of girls. When asked if they would allow their daughters to marry refugees, most participants indicated that they would not allow them because the refugees intended to use such marriages to obtain permanent residency permits. Furthermore, most members of the host communities did not want refugees to be accommodated in their communities because they argued that they were dominating businesses in their communities. Consequently, it seems that xenophobia was primarily behind the non-acceptance of refugees by some participants. A participant said;

I know some community members here in South Africa are xenophobic. For example, a Somalian who put a spaza shop in this community may say that this Somalian guy’s shop will decrease the locals’ shops because they sell at a lower price. In many cases, a Somalian guy who owns a spaza shop sells at a lower price than a Xhosa guy who also operates a Spaza shop. So, the community is xenophobic against these guys because they sell goods at a lower price and may make a local guy’s shop go down. (In-depth interview, 24-year-old Male, South African citizen, June 22 2019.)

Some of the host community members agreed that some criminals looted shops owned by the refugees. Most of the refugees who owned shops had to contend with theft and looting, and most perpetrators of such crimes were members of the host communities. According to a participant, “you will find out that there are spaza shops owned by certain individuals who are refugees and also there are xenophobic attacks by the locals because they are claiming these refugees are taking our job opportunities” (In-depth interview, 30-year-old Male, South African citizen, July 22, 2019.

Their perceptions influenced their treatment of elderly refugees. While some members of the host communities discriminated against elderly refugees, others saw it as morally wrong to discriminate against them. For instance, a participant said:

My view is that I cannot just separate them from us. They belong to South Africa. They should be well treated and enjoy social services like South Africans equally … Our inhospitality towards refugees and foreigners generally is destroying our image and relationship with other African countries. Back then, when South Africa was under the apartheid government, these people helped us. (In-depth interview, 25-year-old Male, South African citizen, July 18 2019).

Some members of the host communities suggested what should be done by the government to address the challenges of the elderly refugees in South Africa. For instance, a participant expressed that “the government needs to organize workshop for South Africans to educate them about refugees, and that they are not in South Africa to take anybody’s job” (In-depth interview, 50-year-old, East London, July 25 2019). Another participant expressed that:

I think the government should create a kind of socially integrated community. Most government officials in local communities hardly ever include refugees in national policy. The government needs to speak to people in various communities in South Africa about how to treat refugees. However, this may take a very long time to convince the locals about refugees because South Africans are very stubborn. (In-depth interview, 30-year-old Male, South African citizen, July 22 2019.)

Another participant suggested that “firstly, refugees in South Africa need to sit down with whoever is in charge of governance in South Africa. So, whatever challenges they are facing they need to put it on the table for the government of South Africa to address” (In-depth interview, 47-year-old, Male, South African citizen, 05^th June 2020). A participant said, “I think our people need to be taught the history of South Africa that we are African and we are one. I am not sure of what else can the government do beside teaching South Africans that black people are not our enemy”. (In-depth interview, 41-year-old Male, South African citizen, July 24 2019). The excerpt below summarizes what a participant thought could be done to deal with the challenges of elderly refugees:

First, the old age and children’s grants are actually given to South African citizens. The older refugees are not getting because they are not citizens of South Africa. Though I have little information about this grant, I know that the grants are meant only for South African citizens. So, if you are someone from another country, you do not get that grant from SASSA. (In-depth interview, 25-year-old Male, South African citizen, 05^th June 2020).

A participant added that “most of these abuses against the refugees are done by the youths especially the uneducated because they don’t go to school. They think every job out there will be taken by refugees of which there are no cases like whereby job opportunities are given to international people. To add on this first point, in most cases, refugees do create job opportunities. They do make so many things like blanket, metal baths and they do work hard for their living; they are not taking from anyone” (In-depth interview, 43-year-old, Male, South African Citizen, July 12 2019).

From the results above, it can be argued that while some members of the host communities thought that the elderly refugees should be properly taken care of because they needed help, others detested them, arguing that they usually caused chaos and put strains on their limited resources. Furthermore, some participants discussed that South Africa might not be able to cater for the needs of the displaced elderly refugees because the country has its socio-economic challenges. For instance, as the participants mentioned, most black South Africans are unemployed and impoverished. This might explain why they are hostile to refugees.

Discussion of key findings

From the data analysis, it was established that the experiences of the displaced older refugees are nuanced. The results revealed that some host community members are friendly to older refugees. They have been guided by the principle and philosophy of ‘brotherhood’ or ‘one family’. They seem to feel that they are a vulnerable group that needs help. Thus, some seem compassionate and ready to give them all the support they need. This underscores that not all members of the host communities are hostile to older refugees. However, this finding disagrees with the studies by Kudrat (2020), Agblorti (2011), Kirui and Nwaruvie (2012). Kudrat’s (2010) study on the influx of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh revealed that displaced refugees could pose serious security threats to the host communities. Similarly, Agblorti (2011) insisted that refugees’ rejection in Ghana was based on the fact that the presence of refugees could threaten their welfare, hence the host communities’ negative attitude toward the refugees. For instance, public opinion does not favor accepting refugees in Ghana. Furthermore, Kirui and Nwaruvie (2012) established that accepting displaced older refugees in Kenya could threaten the fundamental human rights of the host communities. In addition, the study revealed that the acceptance of refugees in Kenya could limit host communities’ access to basic services provided by the government. In the same vein, Esipova et al. (2015) found that a poll conducted by IOM in African countries generally revealed a negative attitude toward refugees in these countries. According to the authors, most African host communities are poor, and the influx of refugees could worsen their situation.

The negative attitudes toward displaced elderly refugees have contributed to rising xenophobic attacks against refugees in the host communities (Beetar, 2019; Chiumbu & Moyo, 2018; Ogunnoiki & Adeyemi, 2019). While existing studies are not specific on the relationship between members of the host communities and displaced elderly refugees as a factor of xenophobia (Durokifa & Ijeoma, 2017). Also, existing studies are not specific to the displaced elderly refugees (Chiumbu & Moyo, 2018; Durokifa & Ijeoma, 2017). This study contributes to understanding the relationship between displaced elderly refugees and members of the host communities as a factor of xenophobic attacks.

This also agrees with Angu and Mulu’s (2020) study on ‘the changing material conditions of Cameroonian migrants in South Africa’. The analysis revealed that violent attacks on African migrants in South Africa had taken a new dangerous dimension in recent years. This development has transformed the dynamics of African transnational migration and shaped citizenship questions and right of place, particularly in a country that many African migrants (especially non-South Africans) regarded as their home. This is because of the roles that most sub-Saharan African countries played in the liberation struggles of South Africa. Angu and Mulu’s study (2020) revealed that while South Africans concentrate more on chasing out African migrants from their country as part of nation-building, South Africa has also positively transformed the lives of many African migrants in her country. In other words, while many refugees have been victimized and faced a series of xenophobic attacks, the existing policies and frameworks in South Africa have provided opportunities for many of them, especially those with obtained permanent residency. Similarly, study of Pineteh’s (2008) research on Cameroonian asylum seekers in Johannesburg also reported such conflicting narratives (see also Pineteh, 2015, 2017, 2018; Pineteh & Mulu, 2016).

The finding aligns with Ager and Strang (2008) Refugee Integration theory which states that certain indicator domains determine refugee integration in host countries or communities. According to Ager and Strang (2008), these domains or elements that determine refugee integration are housing, education, employment, health, right and citizenship, language and cultural knowledge, safety and stability, and social bonds. For instance, Robila (2018) revealed that the integration of refugees depends on economic, health, health and other social programmes that allow them to be well integrated. If the host countries do not implement these elements of refugee integration, it would be difficult for refugees to settle in their new spaces or society. The analysis revealed that while South Africa has sound and favorable legislation and policies for displaced refugees with valid documents, these are not adequately enforced and implemented. Some officials implementing and enforcing this legislation and policies are frequently flouted. For instance, the country has policies on protection, accommodation provision, and access to primary healthcare. However, the people in charge of implementing them are paying lip service (Allaire, 2013; Samuel, 2018). From the above discussion, it could be argued that some South Africans may not be inherently xenophobic; they might have been attacking displaced elderly refugees in their communities as an expression of fear over resource scarcity. They might have seen the refugees as threats to their limited resources in their community. Intense competition for few available essential services between the two groups is likely to arise because the government may need more resources to provide adequate basic services that would serve the interests of both groups (Freeman & McVea, 2001). This ‘contentious relationship’ is likely to result in hatred and bitterness.

Conclusion and recommendation

This paper posits that while some members of the host communities may be receptive, friendly, and supportive, others may not. This study contributes to existing conceptual, theoretical and empirical debates on the subject matter. While existing studies are not specific on the displaced elderly refugees, this study is specific as it focuses on displaced elderly refugees and their relationships with the members of the host communities. The experiences of displaced elderly refugees in South Africa are nuanced. The study concludes that based on the narratives of participants in this study, certain South Africans are compassionate toward the needs of the refugees; perhaps, they are inspired by the principle of African brotherhood. They seem hostile to elderly refugees because they perceive them as threats and competitors in their communities. Those members of the host communities who are socio-economically disadvantaged are likely to see refugees competing for their limited resources in their community. From this analysis, this paper argues that elderly refugees need help from both government and non-governmental organizations; equally, many host communities also need assistance. This also borders on social justice for both members of the host communities and the refugees. Therefore, there should be adequate protection for displaced elderly refugees, especially those residing in hostile communities. The government should strengthen the South African Police Service’s (SAPS) ability to respond more quickly to xenophobic attacks, building inter-community bridges between refugees and local South Africans through commercial partnerships and joint ventures. This, it is hoped, will enhance trust and the development of social capital between both groups. Their lives, property, and businesses must be adequately protected.

Correction Statement

This article has been republished with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.

Notes

1 ‘King William’s Town and ‘Port Elizabeth’ were changed to ‘Qonce’ and ‘Gqeberha’ in 2021.