Transgenerational Return Migration to Galicia, Spain: Discourses of Identity and Belonging

Abstract

This article explores transgenerational return migration to Galicia in north-west Spain. Specifically, it focuses on a scholarship programme within Galicia’s Return Strategy 2020 – a policy aimed at incentivising return migration to Galicia to ameliorate the demographic crisis that it is experiencing due to an aging population. Drawing on 27 life-story interviews with descendants of Galician emigrants to Latin America, and discursive analysis of newspaper articles and promotional materials related to the initiative, the article argues that studying transgenerational return migration can help challenge deeply engrained notions about identity and belonging, and advance theoretical understandings of return migration.

Keywords:

• Return migration
• Galicia
• Spain
• identity
• belonging

1. Introduction

Second generation “return” migration has received increasing scholarly attention in recent years (Kılınç, 2022; King & Christou, 2011a, 2011b; King & Kuschminder, 2022a; Tsuda, 2009; Wessendorf, 2007). This “return turn” is apparent both in academic literature and in government policies which encourage people to return to the country of origin of their ancestors (King & Kuschminder, 2022b, p. 16). People’s reasons for returning to the ancestral homeland range from a motivation to connect with their heritage (Wessendorf, 2007) to economic motivations (Harpaz & Mateos, 2019). Thus far, migration studies research has dedicated much focus to analyzing the extent to which second generation migrants assimilate into the society that their families migrated to; it is only in recent years that we have seen a focus on new re-emigration processes of second (and subsequent) generation migrants to the ancestral homeland (Pérez-Caramés et al., 2021).

Scholars have analyzed the phenomenon of return migration using a range of terms such as ancestral return (Bovenkerk, 1974) and ethnic return (Tsuda, 2009). Indeed, Azevedo et al. (2022, p. iv) identify 13 different terminological definitions which include backflow migration, retro migration, and second-time migration. Those whose focus has been specifically on second (and subsequent) generation return have put forward terms such roots migration (Wessendorf, 2007), with Levitt (2009) discussing how people’s “roots” have an impact on their migration “routes”. For the purposes of this study, in line with Durand (2006), we adopt the term transgenerational return in order to include multiple generations of descendants of migrants (i.e. children, grandchildren, great-grandchildren).

As transgenerational migrants cross borders, they engage in an ongoing dialogue with their identity, shaped by their connection to their ancestral homeland, their current host country, as well as their position within the broader diasporic community. Identity, as understood in this context, is a construct that includes how migrants see themselves, how they are perceived by others, and the relationship between their individual stories and wider collective histories (Brubaker & Cooper, 2000). The act of returning, spanning multiple generations, serves to intensify these identity dynamics, as individuals reconcile the identity narratives of their homeland with the self-identity they have developed over time in new cultural environments.

Stryker and Serpe (1994) emphasize the fluid nature of identity, observing that people’s sense of belonging changes in different situations and contexts. This fluidity is particularly evident among migrants, who often perceive their identity as something that is changeable and layered (La Barbera, 2015). Thus, in this study, and in line with Jenkins (2014), we view identity not as static, but as an evolving social process which is constructed through interactions and social practices. This construction is shaped by specific contextual factors, meaning that identities are not inherent attributes but are actively ‘done’ and performed (Hall, 2015). The concept of hybridity, therefore, gains importance when examining identity processes among diasporic, mobile, and de-territorialised individuals and communities (Baynham & De Fina, 2005; De Fina & Perrino, 2013). These individuals often juggle multiple linguistic resources and identities within transnational spaces, challenging the notion of a coherent, one-dimensional identity construct. As such, the interplay between identity negotiation and the hybridity of transnational experiences is central to this research.

Against this backdrop, this article analyses identity and transgenerational return migration in Galicia, an autonomous region in northwest Spain. It examines the “Scholarships for Outstanding Youth Abroad” (Bolsas Excelencia Mocidade Exterior, or BEME) programme. This initiative, offered by the Galician autonomous government, provides funding to Spanish nationals with Galician ancestry living abroad to pursue a master’s degree in the region. Primarily targeting descendants of Galician emigrants in Latin America, who represent the majority of scholarship recipients, this study draws on semi-structured interviews with 27 Latin American scholarship recipients who obtained Spanish nationality through their Galician heritage. Alongside these interviews, the study analyses newspaper articles and government materials related to the BEME initiative, comparing official narratives with the discourses of scholarship recipients. The objectives of this research, therefore, are to explore identity, belonging, and the concept of ‘return’ in transgenerational contexts, examining the disparities between official and individual narratives. By highlighting these differences, the study aims to inform more effective policy-making that reflects the experiences of scholarship recipients, thereby increasing the potential impact of programmes like the BEME initiative.

The study poses three core research questions: First, it seeks to explore identity formation among third and fourth-generation “return” migrants to Galicia, examining how these individuals articulate their identity and navigate their connection to their ancestral homeland. Second, it investigates the discrepancies between the official institutional narratives of Galician identity and the personal experiences of these transgenerational return migrants. Lastly, the research examines the role of locality in shaping the identity and integration experiences of these individuals, considering how specific local contexts within Galicia influence their sense of identity and belonging, beyond the broader national narratives.

2. Galician migration and the development of return policies

The Galician context provides a useful laboratory to study the phenomenon of return migration (DePalma & Pérez-Caramés, 2018). Galicia has experienced some of the highest rates of emigration in Spain, with more than one million people emigrating between 1857 and 1930 (Farías, 2008). Argentina and Cuba were two of the main destinations for Galician emigrants, and this is reflected in the fact that Buenos Aires is colloquially known as the capital of the fifth Galician province (Oso Casas et al., 2018). A significant number of Galicians also emigrated abroad during the years of the Franco dictatorship: to Latin America in the 1940s and 1950s (Campos Álvarez, 2013, 2021; De Cristóforis, 2016; Farías, 2015; Hernández Borge, 2012; Oso Casas et al., 2018) and to Europe in the 1960s and 1970s (Hernández Borge, 2002; Liñares Girault, 2009; Oso, 2004). Galicia was also a significant contributor to Spain’s internal migration, especially to Madrid, where immigrants took on key political and cultural roles during the latter part of Franco’s regime (Acuña, 2014). Additionally, there were notable migrations to Catalonia (Sotelo Blanco 1991) and the Basque Country (Ruiz Olabuénaga, 2001). In light of these migration patterns, in Galicia, we see explicit debate about the most appropriate terminology for categorizing descendants of Galicians who return to live in Galicia (Oso Casas et al., 2008). While earlier publications invoked the term false returnees (falsos retornados) (Lamela et al., 2005), it has since been argued that this term does not sufficiently capture the complexities of this migration phenomenon. As such, Oso Casas and Boniolo (2018) propose return to the roots (retorno a las raíces) migration.

Galician identity has been influenced by historical shifts, particularly during the Franco dictatorship when it faced suppression. The widespread use of “gallego” in Latin America to refer to all Spaniards can be traced back to the substantial emigration of Galicians to this region in the twentieth century. This migration has left a lasting impact, evident in the stigmatization of Galician ancestry in some Latin-American countries (Farías 2016; Lojo 2016; Núñez Seixas, 2002). In light of this legacy and the challenges posed by exogamous trends in subsequent generations, the Galician government’s return policies, such as the BEME scholarships, offer these migrants an opportunity to reconnect with a familial and cultural past that has often been obscured or diminished.

Policy-wise, Spain has recognized the importance of individuals with Spanish ancestral ties. Since the start of the twenty first century, there have been several legislative changes aimed at granting Spanish nationality to descendants of Spanish emigrants. Most notable of these are the Law of Historical Memory (2007), which had a significant impact in Galicia (Golías, 2018), and the Law of Democratic Memory (2022). In addition, the Galician autonomous government has passed laws specifically aimed at encouraging the return of emigrants and their descendants. The Law of Galicianess (2013) acknowledges returnees legally, affording them more favorable treatment than other migrants. The Galician Demographic Growth Law (2021) reinforces this approach. Under this law, the Galician government has established a specialized department dedicated to assisting returnees. This department provides access to support programmes for their return and promotes opportunities in Galicia to descendants of Galicians who have obtained Spanish nationality.

These legal changes have enhanced possibilities for transgenerational return migration and are happening against a backdrop of Spain’s (and Galicia’s) aging population (in 2021, 26.09% of Galicians were over 65 and only 15.6% were under 20).¹ Return migration is seen as an opportunity to ameliorate this demographic crisis, with the Galician autonomous government developing an increasing number of “diaspora policies” to incentivise transgenerational return. Notable among these is the Return Strategy 2020, which has recently expanded and is now known as the Return Strategy 2023-2026. This strategy views return migration as ‘an extraordinary opportunity, offered by Galicia’s history, to overcome a complex demographic challenge’. Its aim is to facilitate the settlement of up to 30,000 people with Spanish nationality and documented, demonstrable Galician ancestry in Galicia, with the BEME initiative being a key component of this strategy. The regional government estimates the number of potential returnees to be over half a million, with more than 400,000 residing in Latin American countries.² Since its inception until the 2021–2022 academic year, nearly 1000 individuals have received a BEME scholarship.

The migration context of Galicia, therefore, marked by its history of emigration and return, calls for moving beyond traditional paradigms. Recent scholarship in return migration, including the work of Christou and Yeoh (2022, p. 327), emphasizes considering how people movements “retain both the transnational and the homecoming elements interchangeably and flexibly”. This perspective is important in the context of Galicia, where distinctions between home and abroad, as well as between historical and contemporary experiences, are continually evolving. As such, transnationalism, as applied in return migration studies by scholars like Carling and Erdal (2014), provides a suitable framework for this study. It conceptualizes transnational identities as existing simultaneously across multiple worlds, challenging the dichotomy of migration as solely integration or assimilation (King & Christou, 2011a, p. 455). This approach introduces notions of provisionality and flux, viewing return migration not as a definitive move back to an ethnic homeland but as an integral part of sustained transnational mobility (Christou & Yeoh, 2022, p. 328). While return migration rarely features in canonical texts on transnationalism, it “is part and parcel of transnationalism’s back-and-forth system of social and economic relationships and exchanges” (King & Kuschminder, 2022b, p. 6). Furthermore, it is important to consider how transnational identity is often connected to local reference points (De Fina, 2016). Indeed, Conradson and Mckay (2007) critique the overemphasis on the nation in migration studies, advocating for an appreciation of migrants’ multiple locations. This understanding of migration is relevant to our study, which by focusing on Galicia, offers a new perspective, highlighting the importance of the local in transnational studies. Return migration “inevitably involves specific locales, because individuals not only return to a country of origin but, in reality, experience distinct spatial settings” (Kılınç, 2022, p. 291). Given Galicia’s migration context, and the centrality of specific places within it, focusing solely on national perspectives would be limiting. Therefore, we argue for challenging national-centric views in academic scholarship and advocate for considering locality, exemplified by Galicia, when studying transgenerational return migration.

3. Methodology

In order to analyze discourses of identity and belonging in relation to transgenerational return migrants to Galicia, we have chosen a qualitative methodology that permits textual analysis of written and oral discursive productions. Our analysis is based on three types of data: (1) interviews with BEME scholarship holders; (2) a review of relevant official documents; and (3) an analysis of video outputs related to the BEME programme. The interviews with the scholarship holders allow for an exploration into the discursive construction of identity by return migrants themselves, while document and audio-visual analyses shed light on how identity is constructed within public and institutional narratives. The data types, therefore, are not just complementary but rather synergistic, providing a more holistic understanding of how identity is constructed in contexts of transgenerational return migration.

It is qualitative data in the form of participant testimonies that allows us to understand the social significance of migration in Galicia (Bermingham, 2021; Bermingham & Silva Domínguez, 2024; Fernández Suárez et al., 2018; Lamela et al., 2005) and make visible the different social dimensions of migration trajectories (Oso Casas et al., 2018). Indeed, scholarship on migration has increasingly focused on the personal experiences of migrants, exploring how these experiences shape and are shaped by their identities (Gilmartin, 2008), with studies of transnational identities largely employing qualitative methodologies (De Fina, 2016). As such, we interviewed 27 Latin American participants who were awarded BEME scholarships between 2017 and 2021. Apart from one participant, all were living in Galicia when they were interviewed in late 2021 to mid-2022, and most of them had been living in Galicia for at least a year. The group of participants included a mix of people currently undertaking a master’s degree; recent graduates; and graduates who had been living in Galicia for more than one year since finishing their studies. The interviews took place either in person or on Zoom or Microsoft Teams. The participants are all third and fourth generation descendants of Galicians. We wish to highlight their heterogeneity as a group—while they are all university graduates, they have different socio-economic profiles, migration trajectories, and thus different identity discourses³. The interviews were in-depth qualitative interviews which followed a life-story approach and examined the extent to which participants identified as Galician, especially when compared to how other actors in Galicia identified them (e.g., the political class). We used Nvivo software to analyze the data thematically and, drawing on Saldaña (2009), used a combination of Elemental and Affective coding methods.

Additionally, we conducted a systematic online search to understand public and institutional perspectives on identity and belonging connected to the BEME programme. We used “bolsas BEME” and “becas BEME” as key search terms, which translate to “BEME grants” and “BEME scholarships” respectively, focusing on resources in both Spanish and Galician. Our research extended to the Galician government’s official website, particularly the Galicia Aberta section on immigration, which also has a presence on social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, and YouTube. After verifying the uniformity of the content across these platforms, we opted to analyze the YouTube videos, as they provided a comprehensive visual representation of the material. The content on these digital platforms, aimed mainly at the Galician diaspora, is central to the dissemination of information about the BEME programme. To gauge the perception of the BEME scholarship within the wider Galician community, we also examined content from various local newspapers, including La Voz de Galicia, El Correo Gallego, La Opinion de A Coruña, La Región, Diario de Pontevedra, and El Progreso. Through our online search, we identified the following materials as particularly relevant:

1. Galician government press releases: These offer insights into the official stance and objectives of the BEME scholarship programme.⁴

2. Videos of meetings between BEME scholars and Galician officials: These are produced by the Galician government, and showcase the programme’s public representation and reception.⁵

3. Promotional videos for prospective applicants: These are also produced by the Galician government, and feature testimonials from past BEME scholars, providing insights into the scholarship’s impact, as well as offering guidance for potential applicants.⁶

4. Media coverage of BEME scholarships: Newspaper articles that discuss the BEME scholarships, offering insights into how the programme is portrayed in the media and perceived in public discourse.⁷

This approach allowed us to capture a wide range of perspectives on the BEME programme, forming a backdrop against which we could contextualize our interview findings and better understand the construction of identity narratives in the context of transgenerational return migration. All data presented in this article has been translated from Galician or Spanish into English by the authors. Before turning to an analysis of the interview data, we will first focus on a discursive analysis of these documents and audio-visual texts.

4. Document and audio-visual text analysis

We turn now to an analysis of the document and audio-visual texts pertaining to the BEME scholarship programme to understand how it is represented in media and official channels and how these representations compare to the experiences of transgenerational migrants. By examining these texts, we aim to understand the complex and often contradictory aspects of transgenerational migration, exploring how social and cultural environments influence migrants’ sense of identity and belonging.

The promotional materials for the BEME scholarships are disseminated through a range of channels which target different audiences: potential applicants are targeted through digital and social media, while Galician society more broadly is targeted through newspaper articles. In our analysis of these texts, we identified two identity paradigms, which we refer to as follows: the paradigm of Galician identity, and the paradigm of the descendant. In the first paradigm, migrants with Galician heritage are positioned as Galicians, making their journey to Galicia a ‘return’. In contrast, the second paradigm positions them as descendants, attributing Galician identity only to their ancestors, thereby categorizing their travel to Galicia as ‘emigration’.

The Galician government press releases regarding the BEME scholarships draw almost exclusively on the paradigm of Galician identity, describing potential applicants as: “Galicians from abroad” who have made the “brave decision to return to Galicia to start a new life”; “Galician graduates with a brilliant curriculum vitae”; “residents abroad and with a degree”; “university students from abroad”; and “Galician youngsters living abroad”. In these materials, migration is classified as a “return”, despite most applicants never having been to Galicia before. This perspective aligns with traditional narratives of identity and belonging, where migration is viewed within a dichotomy of “returning” or “leaving”, oversimplifying the experiences of transgenerational migrants (De Fina, 2016). A similar rhetoric appears in the promotional videos on YouTube. In a video from 2021, where the president of the Galician government is addressing scholarship holders, he states the following: “You, the Galicians from there, and we, the Galicians from here, are the ones who share a feeling created by our ancestors. […] You have returned to your land, even though you don’t know it and have never lived here”. He further noted that, thanks to the BEME scholarship programme, “we receive people who were Galician from the very beginning”. In both the press releases and in the promotional videos, there is rarely any specific mention of first-generation returnees who emigrated following the 2008 financial crisis and who are also eligible to apply to the BEME scheme.

In contrast to the official government communications, in our analysis of newspaper headlines, we found the paradigm of Galician identity to appear only occasionally and usually in instances where the article was reproducing text from previous government communications. In newspapers, a clear distinction was made between the two profiles of potential applicants: on the one hand, we found headlines about “Galician graduates abroad” and “Galicians who emigrated outside of the community”; on the other hand, we found headlines about “children of emigrants”, “descendants of emigrants”, and “grandchildren of emigrants”, the latter sometimes described as “emigrants in the land of their grandparents”, in which cases the term “return” was rarely used in isolation and usually linked to “return to the land of their parents or grandparents”.

In the video testimonials on YouTube, we see how past scholarship holders align themselves with the paradigm of the descendant - they don’t self-identify as Galician, and often refer to “my grandparents (and my parents) on my father’s/mother’s side were Galician”, and “the link that I have with Galicia is through my grandfather”. The word “return” is not used and is replaced instead by expressions related to “settling in Galicia” and “Galicia is a place to live and raise your family”. Finally, it must be noted that in some cases the scholarship holders refer to their trajectory explicitly as emigration: “I had already made the decision to emigrate”, although this discourse was less present in the materials we found. This self-identification reveals the layered process of identity negotiation among transgenerational migrants, whose identity, rather than being pre-determined, is actively constructed through the integration of their personal experiences and familial narratives (Hall, 2015).

Our analysis of these texts finds that in all the materials in which the Galician government is the transmitter of a message, the paradigm of Galician identity is invoked. In contrast, when the texts include the point of view of Galician society (newspaper articles) and that of the recipients of the scholarships, the discourse is underpinned by the paradigm of the descendant, where Galician identity is assigned clearly and exclusively to returnees’ ancestors. This divergence highlights the complexities and contradictions in the migrant experience, and the important role that the socio-cultural context can play in shaping identity (Jenkins, 2014).

5. Interview data analysis

In the forthcoming analysis, we turn our focus to the personal narratives of third and fourth-generation “return” migrants to Galicia. Building on our examination of the document and audio-visual texts about the BEME programme, we explore how scholarship holders reflect on their identities. The analysis examines their connections with their countries of origin as well as their evolving relationships with Galicia, identifying optimistic perspectives regarding integration and the challenges some face in this process. These narratives offer an insight into identity and belonging in the context of transgenerational return migration, revealing a diverse range of experiences that further our understanding of this migration phenomenon.

5.1. Dual identity dynamics: Exploring roots and routes

5.1.1. Roots: Affinities with the country of origin

Participants predominantly perceived their identity in relation to their country of birth as clear and straightforward. This view is exemplified by Dora’s enduring connection to Venezuela, where she states, “I’m going to keep being Venezuelan until the day I die,” and Pedro’s deep-rooted ties to Argentina, asserting, “I have very strong ties to Argentina as it’s the place where I was born, where I lived my whole life”. This sentiment, prevalent among the participants, indicates a clear disconnect from the concept of Galician identity as emphasized in official discourses. Nerea’s critique of this official stance further illustrates this divergence:

“Most of the people that come [through the BEME scheme] have little or no connection to Galicia […] Even though the Secretary General for Migration always says “you are all Galicians who have come back home”, the reality is that the majority people don’t feel that way.” (Nerea)

Additionally, most participants did not identify with the label of “returnee.” Many, like Alicia, explicitly identified as emigrants, underscoring a process of personal transformation and uprooting:

“I think about my future as being in Galicia. That’s why I speak about [my trajectory as] emigration […] in the sense that it implies being uprooted from […] I’m not going to cut ties with Argentina, but the transformation that we [emigrants] make is really significant.” (Alicia)

Echoing this theme of identity navigation, Fatima’s experience illustrates the impact of familial cultural practices on identity formation. Born in Brazil, she faced familial pressures from her Galician-born family to identify as Galician, which conflicted with her own sense of Brazilian identity:

“Since I was little, all I’ve heard is that I’m not Brazilian… it’s like, let’s see, I am Brazilian, you know? […] I have… it’s not like a strong Galician influence, but with my grandparents we would talk about Galicia, they wouldn’t listen to music from Brazil, it was only Galician culture at home, it’s like they lived in Galicia inside Brazil. So, they really did have a very, very strong, a very, very strong sense of Galician identity within them.” (Fatima)

Drawing insights from these narratives, this analysis uncovers a paradigm where birthplace is seen as a fundamental and enduring source of identity. This perspective is nuanced by the participants’ perceptions of their host country (Galicia) and their families’ cultural practices in their countries of origin. It reveals the ways that transgenerational migrants navigate their identities and challenges one-dimensional concepts of migration which view migrants as merely uprooted people (De Fina, 2016). Contrary to the discourses of the Galician government, which emphasize transgenerational migrants’ Galician identity, participants rarely adopt this narrative. Their relationships with their countries of origin do not lead to a complete detachment from their birthplace identities, nor do they uniformly embrace the identity of returnees. Instead, the emphasis on birthplace in identity construction aligns with the translocal perspective, emphasizing the influence of local contexts and upbringing on identity formation. Furthermore, participants’ narratives, particularly those of Alicia and Fatima, demonstrate an understanding of identity as a socially constructed and evolving process (Hall, 2015; Jenkins, 2014).

5.1.2. Routes: Forming bonds with Galicia

A central theme emerging from the participants’ narratives is that integration into Galician society and the development of a Galician identity is a gradual process, influenced by each individual’s experience in Galicia. This process is exemplified by Sandra, a more recent arrival to Galicia, who despite her Galician heritage, does not immediately identify with Galician culture:

“Not yet, I don’t think [my sense of identity has changed]. I think it’s because it’s too soon, like I said, it’s also because now I hang out with [many different nationalities with people on my master’s course and […] I also hang out with Argentinians a lot. So I don’t really feel… I don’t feel 100%… I don’t know, 90% Argentinian, for now […] I don’t feel I’ve experienced much of Galician culture yet.” (Sandra)

Sandra’s narrative reflects how lived experiences and social interactions in the new country influence migrant identities, challenging the idea of identity as static (Hall, 2015). Participants like Lorena, Maria, and Sergio provide further evidence of this evolving identity. Lorena expresses optimism about her future in Galicia, “I think that my future here will get better every day”, while Maria notes a growing sense of Galician identity, “each day I feel more Galician […] more from here”. Similarly, Sergio’s increasing efforts to integrate into Galician society are evident in his comments: “it’s a land that I try to integrate into more each day”. Together, these narratives illustrate identity as something that is actively negotiated, influenced by ancestral heritage and the current socio-cultural environment. Our analysis of these narratives leads us to identify two main discursive strands regarding integration into Galician society: optimistic and pessimistic perspectives on Galician identity. The optimistic narratives, as seen in Lorena and Maria’s experiences, suggest a dynamic process of identity formation. In contrast, more cautious views, like Sandra’s, indicate a slower journey of integration. The next section will examine optimistic and pessimistic discourses on Galician identity, exploring how these varying experiences reflect broader themes in migration studies.

5.2. Varied integration experiences in Galician society

5.2.1. Embracing Galicia: Positive integration narratives

A key theme among participants who viewed integration into Galician society as feasible was the sense of wellbeing linked to living in Galicia. This sentiment is captured in comments such as “I feel good here” or “I feel comfortable here”. This sentiment is developed further in the comments made by Lorena who reflects on her sense of feeling “at home” in Galicia:

“What happens is that, because I’m surrounded by so many Argentinians, I still feel part of Argentina, and at the same time I’m starting to spend time with Galicians and these two [identities begin to fuse]. But it’s also a bit too soon to say. I feel at home here, and, well, I think that in the future that feeling will be even more so.” (Lorena)

Lorena’s experience of gradually blending her Argentinian and Galician identities resonates the concept of hybrid identity in transnational settings (De Fina, 2016). Her narrative illustrates the fluidity of identity among transgenerational migrants, navigating between their birth country’s culture and that of their ancestral homeland (Hall, 2015; Jenkins, 2014). As La Barbera (2015, p. 3) notes, “identity is the result of the negotiation of personal given conditions, social context, and relationships, and institutional frameworks”. Jorge and Nerea echo Lorena’s sentiment, with Jorge noting that he “feels good” in Galicia despite experiencing financial stability in Uruguay: “I was very comfortable financially, I was set up, and I upended everything to come here”. Nerea compared her positive experiences in Galicia with her past residences: “I lived […] in a lot of places (well, not in a lot, but in a few) and well the truth is that here I feel very at ease, because my family is also here, so I feel surrounded by people, friends… people I’ve known my whole life who live here.” As with the previous comments from Alicia, Fatima and Sergio, these accounts reveal how migrants often actively manage multiple identities; however, they also challenge the notion that migration is solely a result of push-pull effects due to structural factors like poverty or underdevelopment (Glick‐schiller & Furon, 1990).

Participants’ sense of wellbeing in Galicia was often linked to specific locales within the region. Diego’s attachment to Vigo: “When I arrived in Vigo, it had a big impact on me. I really like it. I see it as a city where I could stay and live. It’s what I feel”, and Pedro’s connection to Marín “My children are very happy. The eldest, who is the most aware, loves it. He doesn’t even want to leave where we are, in Marín. They don’t even want to leave Marín, never mind Galicia or Spain, it’s about this place”, exemplify the importance of local contexts in shaping migrant identities. These experiences illustrate how identity and integration are influenced not just by broader national or regional affiliations, but also by specific local settings (Conradson & Mckay, 2007; De Fina, 2016).

Participants who decided to stay in Galicia after completing their master’s degree often developed strong emotional and affective ties to the region. Dora’s expression of love for the land: “I still don’t know how to articulate it, but I feel that I love this land, that I am Galician, because I love the land and I respect it” and Sergio’s sense of belonging to Galicia: “I would say I feel […] it’s obviously an ambiguous type of Galicianess, let’s say, the Galician identity of someone who wasn’t born here and who wasn’t raised here, but I feel that this land is now mine […] It’s a land that has given me a lot of opportunities, a land with which I try to be more and more involved each day”, reflect an emotional connection with the land that transcends ancestral ties, supporting Hall’s (2015) concept of identity as a ‘production’ in continual process. This emotional connection is also highlighted in Conradson and Mckay (2007) emphasis on the importance of emotions in understanding mobility and social integration. Analysis of the participants’ experiences, therefore, reveals that local contexts, quality of life, and emotional connections significantly shape identities, allowing transgenerational migrants to reconcile past and present while forming new attachments and meanings in their current environment.

5.2.2. Navigating difficulties in processes of integration

Two out of the 27 participants - Mario from Brazil and Vera from Uruguay - explicitly rejected Galician identity. Mario’s account of his disillusionment with Galician society, despite his initial dream of living in Galicia, highlights the contrast between his expectations and the reality he encountered. His reluctance to integrate, influenced by linguistic, cultural and environmental factors and a strong affinity for his Latin identity, underscores the non-linear and often paradoxical nature of identity formation in transnational settings, and the complex relationship return migrants have with the concepts of home and belonging (King & Christou, 2010).

“This thing, or more accurately this phenomenon, that exists around the Galician language, and all this about Galician culture, is a lot for me to take. […] I don’t have any interest in belonging, in having this strong sense of Galician culture. I like it, I appreciate it, in fact I really appreciate it. I like the music, I like the food, Galician gastronomy […] But I don’t feel the need to practice that, to have that, to be… […] So I feel a bit out of place, as if I shouldn’t be here, I want to be here but I don’t want to integrate into that particular movement.” (Mario)

Similarly to Nerea, whose comments we saw in section 5.1.1, Mario was particularly critical of official discourses in Galicia:

“I feel that even though [politicians and Galician officials] say ‘no, but you are Galician, because you are a descendant of Galicians, the law here says that you’re Galician’. OK, but… I don’t feel integrated, and it’s not like I’d even want to be integrated even if they wanted me to. I just don’t feel it.” (Mario)

Vera, having completed her master’s degree and spent several years in Galicia, returned to Uruguay in a process akin to ‘double return,’ as explored by Rivero and Martínez (2021):

“I think that, perhaps in a different society, such as in the south of Spain, I would have been able to integrate more easily. I’ve been told that they’re more open, so I think it maybe would have been easier. […] I think that […] the topic of integration, of emigration, depends not only on how someone puts down roots, but also on how the host society helps migrants integrate and feel like they belong, you know? And well, my experience, to tell you the truth, I found it very difficult to feel like I belonged. In fact, I don’t think I ever felt like I belonged (laughs).” (Vera)

Her narrative aligns with Mario’s, emphasizing the challenges faced in reconciling ancestral ties with lived experiences, particularly when cultural characteristics may impede integration. Vera’s discourse regarding her strong connection to her Uruguayan identity and her struggle to integrate into Galician reveals a more traditional view of identity, deeply rooted in her country of birth and upbringing:

“I always felt very connected to Uruguay […] when I say connected, I mean that I was always checking to see if I’d received any messages from my friends and family in Uruguay. When I watched the news, I would check the news in Uruguay. When I listened to the radio, I listened to Uruguayan stations. […] Although I tried to integrate myself in various places, I realised over time that I was very attached to what was mine.” (Vera)

Vera ends up deploying a discourse in which people are defined by their country of birth and upbringing and rejects the role of new life experiences as possible catalysts for modifications in the sense of identity, her static view challenging current academic discussions of identity, in particular in transnational contexts (De Fina, 2016; Jenkins, 2014):

“It is one thing to be a native, and to grow up in that country where a personality is developed and generated according to the culture, to what we are taught and what is transmitted to us through our family and peers, in institutions and schools as one develops and grows. Another thing is going to live in a place for a specific reason. In that case, I think you already have your identity from your own country where you were born.” (Vera)

The individual experiences of Mario and Vera, marked by their challenges and resistance to integration, highlight a broader pattern observed in transgenerational migration studies. Their experiences demonstrate that the process of identity formation is more nuanced than the simplistic paradigm of Galician identity often portrayed by politicians. While some narratives, like those of Lorena and Maria, emphasize a sense of comfort and growing emotional ties to Galicia, the stories of Mario and Vera highlight the challenges they face in the integration process. The complexity of identity formation in transnational migration contexts is echoed by King and Christou (2010) and Kılınç (2022), who note that the act of “returning to the homeland” often provokes feelings of disillusionment and does not always constitute a straightforward “homecoming”, especially for the second generation. Moreover, the “return” migration experience is often frustrating and disappointing, leading migrants to question their idealized notions of their ancestral homeland, potentially resulting in marginalization, exclusion, and alienation (Christou & King, 2006), while also creating a new sense of nostalgia and nationalism for their country of origin (Song, 2014).

6. Discussion and conclusions

This study of transgenerational return migration, particularly focused on identity and belonging, reveals that these migrants are “in a unique position to express feelings of where ‘home’ is, where they ‘belong’, and how their ‘place’ in the homeland reflects their own identities” (King & Christou, 2010, p. 104). This positioning highlights a nuanced narrative of identity that transcends traditional migration discourses. Our research uncovers that third and fourth generation “return” migrants experience an even more complicated relationship with the homeland than their parents or grandparents’ generation, where the lines between “homeland” and “hostland” can become blurred and, subsequently, more paradoxical relationships with concepts such as identity and belonging emerge (Kılınç, 2022).

We found that official discourse in Galicia about the BEME initiative was prescriptive, and defined return migration in narrow terms, drawing exclusively on the paradigm of Galician identity to classify “return” migrants, leaving no room for hybridity or a transnational understanding of these migration trajectories. We also found that this paradigm is only partially shared by the host society in general, since in newspaper articles we rarely found third and fourth generation immigrants presented as full participants in Galician identity. The discourses of our participants, in contrast, were significantly more nuanced and aligned with a transnational understanding of migration. Their sense of identity and belonging to their country of birth did not stop them making a claim to Galician identity, with many invoking discourses of hybrid identity: on the one hand, they describe an indelible and inalienable relationship with their place of birth and upbringing (“until the day I die”, as Dora from Venezuela noted); on the other hand, their relationship with Galicia is one that progresses over time, and feelings of wellbeing are decisive in people’s decision to stay in Galicia once their scholarship comes to an end.

Finally, we wish to highlight that while all of the participants in the study have Spanish nationality, their eligibility for the BEME scholarship is based on their familial ties to Galicia, and more specifically in the possibility of documenting their link to a certain geographical space (city, town, parish) within it. This point shows us how locality gains importance in studying “return” migration. The significance of specific local connections underscores the link between identity and place, and how this is often tied to familial and cultural histories. In our study, the optimistic discourses about Galician identity often alluded to specific places in the community, as is the case of Diego and his link with the city of Vigo, and Pedro and his family, who live in the small municipality of Marín. The national and the regional are an important part of the analysis; the local, however, must also be considered.

Approaching this study through the lens of translocalism as well as transnationalism thus helps us to challenge the concept of migration as unidirectional and based on assimilation. It encourages a more inclusive and comprehensive view of migration that acknowledges the agency of migrants in shaping their own identities (La Barbera, 2015). We contest traditional views of immigrants as “uprooted individuals and communities” (De Fina, 2016, p. 164) and reject the idea of immigration as a one-directional process which involves immigrants assimilating into the culture of their host country. Instead, we advocate for a perspective that recognizes migration as an ongoing dialogue between multiple cultures and identities. Migration is not just about losing one culture and being absorbed into a new one—a transnational framework, and a focus on transgenerational return, allows us to reflect in a more nuanced way about how multiple, intersecting cultures and identities are constructed by individuals and thus challenge deeply engrained notions about migration, identity and belonging.

Ethics statement

This study received ethical approval from the ethics committees at the University of Liverpool (ref: 10957) and the University of Santiago de Compostela (Comité de Ética en Investigación da USC).

Disclosure statement

The authors report there are no competing interests to declare.

Data availability statement

The participants of this study did not give written consent for their data to be shared publicly, so due to the sensitive nature of the research supporting data is not available.

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the Grupo de investigación FILGA at the University of Santiago de Compostela (https://investigacion.usc.gal/grupos/4674/detalle?lang=es)

Notes

1 See https://www.ige.gal/web/index.jsp?paxina=001&idioma=gl.

2 See https://emigracion.xunta.gal/es/conociendo-galicia/aprende/la-emigracion-en-cifras.

3 See Appendix A for a table which includes key information about the participants. Pseudonyms have been used.

4 See Appendix B.

5 See Appendix C.

6 See Appendix D.

7 See Appendix E.

Appendix A.

Participant profiles

Table

	Pseudonym	Age	Country of Origin	Initial qualification	Master’s degree	Location
1	Dora	28	Venezuela	Arts	Cultural Services	Lugo
2	Gonzalo	33	Argentina	Advertising	Cultural Services	Lugo
3	Laura	38	Argentina	Social Anthropology	Cultural Services	Lugo
4	Lorena	29	Argentina	Architecture	Project Management	Lugo
5	Miriam	30	Brazil	Arts	Cultural Services	Lugo
6	Sergio	26	Venezuela	Languages and Literatures	Cultural Services	Lugo
7	Sandra	31	Argentina	Industrial Engineering	Management of Small and Medium Enterprises	Vigo
8	Vera	42	Uruguay	Journalism	Cultural Services	Lugo
9	Bibiana	35	Argentina	Education	Education Management and Innovation	A Coruña
10	Celia	25	Uruguay	Psychology	Neuroscience	Santiago
11	Carla	25	Argentina	Marketing	MBA	A Coruña
12	Diego	32	Argentina	Dentistry	Nutrition	Vigo
13	Fátima	30	Brazil	Psychology	Business Management	A Coruña
14	Luisa	38	Brazil	Pharmacy	Health Care and Research	A Coruña
15	María	28	Venezuela	Musicology	Cultural Services	Lugo
16	Mario	24	Brazil	Law	Economics	Santiago
17	Nerea	37	Mexico	Art History	Educational Research: Diversity and Community Development	Santiago
18	Pedro	37	Argentina	Civil Engineering	Integrated Project Management	Pontevedra
19	Alicia	30	Argentina	Psychology	Psychology	Santiago
20	Juan	26	Panama	Computer Science	Systems Engineering	Santiago
21	Jorge	36	Uruguay	Architecture	Integrated Project Management	Pontevedra
22	Rodrigo	28	Costa Rica	Computer Science	Computer Engineering	Santiago
23	Sonia	36	Argentina	Sociology	Tourism	A Coruña
24	Domingo	24	Uruguay	Education	Education Management and Innovation	A Coruña
25	Lidia	25	Cuba	Computer Science	Computer Engineering	A Coruña
26	Dina	29	Argentina	Architecture	Integrated Project Management	A Coruña
27	Rogelio	34	Mexico	Psychology	Cultural Services	Lugo

Appendix B.

Galician government press releases

https://emigracion.xunta.gal/es/actualidad/noticia/la-xunta-aprueba-172-millones-euros-atraer-200-mejores-expedientes-universitarios

https://emigracion.xunta.gal/es/actualidad/noticia/case-140-alumnas-y-alumnos-beme-participaron-las-jornadas-formativas-sobre-la

https://emigracion.xunta.gal/es/actualidad/noticia/emigracion-organiza-tres-jornadas-informativas-sobre-las-becas-beme-master-las-y

https://emigracion.xunta.gal/es/actualidad/noticia/emigracion-y-la-usc-dan-la-bienvenida-las-y-nuevos-alumnos-las-becas-beme

https://emigracion.xunta.gal/es/actualidad/noticia/la-xunta-abrira-la-convocatoria-las-becas-excelencia-juventud-exterior-beme

Appendix C.

Videos of meetings between BEME scholars and Galician officials

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cLoTD30qjpA

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AY7_AG7F2_k&list=PLT-vtmuShmuZLuzwVEicb-IcKsLK5l1yb&index=4

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2yLZIbOlUx8

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AY7_AG7F2_k

Appendix D.

Promotional videos for prospective applicants

All of these are available on the Galician government’s “Galicia Aberta” YouTube channel: https://www.youtube.com/@GaliciaAberta

Appendix E.

Media coverage of BEME scholarships

https://www.farodevigo.es/gran-vigo/2021/05/16/emigrantes-excelencia-tierra-abuelos-51865976.html

https://www.farodevigo.es/faroeduca/2023/01/13/galicia-incrementa-incrementa-promedio-500-81134202.html

https://www.farodevigo.es/estela/2018/01/07/estelajovenes-talentos-vuelven-galicia-16114698.html

https://www.lavozdegalicia.es/noticia/galicia/2021/09/05/ayudas-retornados-span-langglpretendemos-axudalos-orientalos-acompanalos-na-sua-volta-galiciaspan/00031630855833377983601.htm

https://www.lavozdegalicia.es/noticia/galicia/2022/06/17/xunta-amplia-250-becas-captar-jovenes-exterior/00031655467744948401159.htm

https://www.elprogreso.es/gl/articulo/lugo/karol-farias-nunca-habia-venido-galicia-es-como-regreso/202301231459381634134.html