Conflict, transition and education for ‘political generosity’: learning from the experience of ex-combatants in Northern Ireland

Abstract

This article suggests that opportunities exist to harness the potential of history and citizenship education with the processes of transition in developing programmes, which support young people in exploring conflict and the challenges associated with attending to its legacy. Drawing on the experience of Northern Ireland, it is suggested that the narratives of those who have been involved directly as both combatants in conflict and latterly as agents of change in their communities provide unique opportunities for young people to reflect on these issues. By way of illustration, an account of one such initiative is presented: From Prison to Peace: Learning From the Experience of Political Ex-Prisoners; a structured programme which invites young people to engage directly with loyalist and republican ex-combatants in the Northern Ireland conflict. The article suggests that such programmes have the potential to assist young people in exploring the complexity of conflict and the intricacies of transition. Furthermore, it is suggested that the relationships which exist between these ex-combatants arguably can challenge sectarian perspectives and foster capacity for ‘political generosity’ towards those with opposing political aspirations.

Keywords:

• conflict transformation
• curriculum
• transitional justice

Notes

1. In simple terms, republican combatants characterized their conflict as an armed struggle against the British occupation of Ireland and a repressive Northern state, justifying their actions as legitimate acts of war. Loyalist combatants characterized their role in the conflict as that of defending Northern Ireland’s status within the UK through paramilitary activity targeted at republicans and the Catholic community, who were perceived to be part of a ‘pan-nationalist front’.

2. It is worth noting that whilst religious nomenclature (‘Catholic’ and ‘Protestant’) is ascribed to the two main identity groups in Northern Ireland, it is ‘unduly simplistic’ to refer to the conflict in Ireland as ‘religious’ (Barnes 2005, 132). Though religion undoubtedly has a historical significance, conflict in Ireland has been essentially political in nature.

3. Clearly, citizenship education and peace education are interrelated overlapping with other adjectival educations such as human rights education or development education. For a full discussion of this, see Harris (2004).

4. In 1970s, the IRA split over ideological issues. The ‘Provisional’ IRA then became the dominant armed republican group and after 1972 was commonly referred to as simply ‘the IRA’. The ‘Official’ IRA is the term used for the remnant from the split. This group announced a ceasefire in 1972. The INLA was an armed republican socialist group formed in 1974 by former members of the ‘Official’ IRA.

5. The UVF was formed in 1966 and named itself after the UVF, a unionist militia formed in 1912/1913 in opposition to ‘Irish Home Rule’. The UDA was the largest loyalist paramilitary group. It was formed in 1971 as a legal organisation, using the name ‘Ulster Freedom Fighters’ when it claimed responsibility for attacks. It was eventually proscribed as a ‘terrorist’ organisation in 1992.

6. The ‘Prison to Peace’ programme has established links with other initiatives exploring similar issues and has been endorsed by the Department of Education for Northern Ireland and the Curriculum Council as appropriate for Northern Ireland curriculum.

7. An evaluation of the programme, including a cluster randomized control trial, is being conducted by the Centre for Effective Education, Queen’s University Belfast.