Bias-based harassment and bullying: addressing mechanisms and outcomes for possible interventions

ABSTRACT

Bias-based harassment has emerged as a significant concern in schools globally. Unsurprisingly, exposure to such negative treatment has detrimental effects on the psychological functioning, academic performance, and behavioural adjustment of children and adolescents. Thus, there is a pressing need to develop a comprehensive understanding of the factors that exacerbate or mitigate the negative consequences of bias-based harassment on its victims, as well as the factors that lead young people to engage in bias-based harassment. To address this need, this paper begins by providing a brief overview of the literature on bias-based harassment and bullying among early adolescents and adolescents. Subsequently, we introduce the studies featured in this special issue and present an integrated summary of their key findings. Our goal with this special issue is to compile scientific evidence on this social concern across diverse school settings and pave the way for future initiatives aimed at addressing bias-based harassment more comprehensively and efficiently.

KEYWORDS:

• Bias-based harassment
• identity-based harassment
• stigma-based harassment
• anti-bullying
• diversity

Bias-based harassment (also referred to as identity-based or stigma-based harassment) has been emerging as an important concern in schools worldwide (UNESCO, 2019). While this term is sometimes used interchangeably with bias-based bullying in the literature, some researchers suggest distinctions between the concepts (Eisenberg et al., 2022; Gill & Govier, 2023; Jones et al., 2018). Specifically, it has been highlighted that bias-based harassment involves ‘physical, verbal or relational aggression which youth are targeted or demeaned because of their perceived race, ethnicity, immigrant status, religion, sexual or gender identity, disability, or weight’ (Jones et al., 2018, p. 50). On the other hand, bias-based bullying is defined as ‘bullying based on dimensions of an individual’s identity, such as their actual or perceived race, ethnicity, national origin, religion, gender, sexual orientation, and/or disability status’ (Gill & Govier, 2023, p. 8947), and requires ‘repetition, intentionality, and an imbalance of power between the victim and the perpetrator’ (Green et al., 2024, p. 1), aligning the traditional definition of bullying (Hellström et al., 2021). In this special issue, we adopted a comprehensive approach to understand victimization experiences, and thus included studies focusing on both bias-based harassment and bias-based bullying.

In the following sections, we first provide a brief overview of the literature on bias-based harassment and bullying among early adolescents and adolescents, focusing on its prevalence, impacts on victims’ well-being and adjustment, factors driving such behaviours among young people, and the roles of bystanders or upstanders in these incidents. Then, we introduce the studies featured in this special issue by providing an integrative summary of their key findings.

Prevalence of bias-based harassment and bullying

Bias-based harassment and bullying are rooted in broader societal issues such as racism, homophobia, transphobia, ableism, or fatphobia (Joo, Lee, et al., 2023), and students may use both macro-level cultural norms and micro-level and locally constructed norms in a selective way to harass their victims and label them as ‘deviant’ or ‘misfitted’ (Thornberg, 2018). For example, in a small-scale interview study with ethnic majority and minority students, adolescents explained bullying towards immigrants as a social process where the targeted student is depicted as ‘deviant’ by the bullies. This rejection is often attributed to perceived cultural deviancy and learned racism from the social environment (Mazzone et al., 2018). A growing body of research has provided evidence that experiences of bias-based harassment are prevalent among school-age children and adolescents (Bucchianeri et al., 2016; Rädda Barnen, 2022; Russell et al., 2012). For example, a large scale survey (N = 162,034) covering students from grade 5th (around 10 years old) to grade 11th (around 16 years old) in the US revealed that 22.6% of the students reported being harassed due to their weight and physical appearance, 9.1% experienced harassment based on their race, ethnicity, or national origin, 7.3% were victims of harassment due to their sexual orientation, and 5% reported harassment incidents related to their disability during the last month (Bucchianeri et al., 2016). Similar findings were also reported in Europe. For instance, a recent report focusing on students between the ages of 12 to 16 years old in Sweden showed that 25% of students with an immigrant background reported being mistreated because of their religion, skin colour, culture, or their family’s origin at school. Furthermore, 38% of those who identify as other than a boy or a girl stated they have been mistreated because of their sexual orientation (homosexual or bisexual), and 27% reported mistreatment due to their gender identity (trans/queer) (Rädda Barnen, 2022). Research has also highlighted intersectionality in the experiences of bias-based harassment, indicating that 17% of adolescents reported experiencing bias-based bullying for a single identity, and 9% reported experiencing bias-based bullying for two or more identities (Mulvey et al., 2018). Together, these findings underscore the importance of developing a comprehensive understanding of various forms of bias-based harassment and bullying among early adolescents and adolescents to address this growing social concern in schools.

Associates and consequences of experiencing bias-based harassment and bullying

In bias-based harassment and bullying, individuals are targeted because of their affiliation with a particular social group, which means their social identities are attacked. It is well established, however, that social identities play a crucial role in shaping one’s sense of self, especially during adolescence, when young people are in the process of exploring who they are and forming their identity (Albarello et al., 2018). Adolescents often seek feedback from their peers to gain insight into themselves. Any criticism or intimidation targeting their identity, especially from peers, can be perceived as a threat to their sense of self (Bayram Özdemir & Stattin, 2014) and convey a message that certain aspects of their self are not accepted and are devalued by others. These emotional and cognitive appraisals, in turn, may disrupt their healthy functioning. In line with this conceptual reasoning, a growing body of research shows that victims of bias-based bullying or harassment suffer from various forms of adjustment problems (e.g., Earnshaw et al., 2018; Espelage et al., 2008; Fusco et al., 2024; Garnett et al., 2014; Hong et al., 2022; Joo, Kim, et al., 2023; Sapouna et al., 2023). For example, cross-sectional studies have indicated that adolescents who were involved in bias-based harassment as either victims or bully-victims scored higher on mental health symptoms, including depression and anxiety, and lower school support compared to peers not involved in bias-based harassment (Fusco et al., 2024). Similarly, students who faced harassment due to their sexual orientation were more likely to report depressive symptoms (Espelage et al., 2008; Garnett et al., 2014), experience suicidal feelings (Espelage et al., 2008), engage in substance use (Espelage et al., 2008), participate in deliberative self-harm (Garnett et al., 2014), and exhibit school absenteeism (Bradlow et al., 2017). Moreover, adolescents who are targets of racial discrimination were found to be more prone to engage in bullying perpetration (Hong et al., 2022).

Despite limited empirical evidence, enduring negative effects of bias-based victimization have also been observed. Adolescents in grades 9 through 12 (around age 15) who were subjected to victimization due to their sexual orientation reported heightened levels of depressive symptoms and anxiety from the beginning to the end of the school year (Poteat et al., 2014). Similar findings have been reported regarding identity-based harassment targeting one’s race, ethnicity, or national origin (Galán et al., 2021) whereby ethnically victimized adolescents displayed decreased self-esteem and heightened depressive symptoms over time (Bayram Özdemir & Stattin, 2014). Furthermore, exposure to such negative experiences influences adolescents’ school adjustment, often resulting in negative beliefs about academic competence, low motivation, and a sense of not belonging in school (Bayram Özdemir & Stattin, 2014; Niwa et al., 2014). Additionally, ethnically victimized youth are prone to affiliating with deviant peers (Korol & Stattin, 2021) and engaging in violent behaviours, such as threatening others verbally, engaging in street fights, and damaging property (Bayram Özdemir et al., 2019; Galán et al., 2021).

Despite some inconsistent findings (McKenney et al., 2006), an accumulating body of research has also revealed that experiences of identity-based harassment or bullying are more detrimental to young people’s adjustment than non-identity-based harassment (Bayram Özdemir et al., 2019; D’hondt et al., 2015; Russell et al., 2012; Sinclair et al., 2012). For example, Russell et al. (2012) demonstrated that youth who reported bias-based bullying due to their sexual orientation, race, religion, sex/gender, or disability were at greater risk of poor mental health, substance use, and low academic achievement than those who faced non-identity-based bullying. It is possible that adolescents perceive bias-based harassment as more threatening to their self or as more stable and uncontrollable, given that social identity is a core aspect of the self-perception that cannot be changed. Consequently, experiences of bias-based harassment may evoke more stress and negative effects among them, and adolescents may be more susceptible to develop emotionally negative outcomes because of such experiences.

Determinants of engagement in identity-based harassment and bullying

Despite ample evidence demonstrating the detrimental effects of identity-based bullying and harassment, there remains a limited understanding of the factors that either increase the likelihood of participating in these harmful behaviours or protect children and adolescents from becoming involved in them. Existing evidence, albeit limited, employing various theoretical frameworks, has highlighted that adolescents’ inter-group attitudes, socio-cognitive skills, and moral values may elucidate whether they perpetrate such behaviours or abstain from them. For example, adolescents with prejudicial attitudes towards gays and lesbians (Camodeca et al., 2019) or those with negative attitudes towards immigrants (Bayram Özdemir et al., 2016; Caravita et al., 2020) were found to be more inclined to engage in homophobic bullying or racial and ethnic harassment, respectively. Moreover, moral disengagement put adolescents at risk for engagement in various forms of bias-based bullying, including homophobic bullying (Camodeca et al., 2019) and ethnic and racial harassment (Bayram Özdemir et al., 2021; Iannello et al., 2021; Lo Cricchio et al., 2022). Conversely, advanced socio-cognitive skills protect children and adolescents from involvement in these problematic behaviours. For instance, Hinduja and Patchin (2022) have found that early adolescents (aged 12 to 14) with greater cognitive empathy were less inclined to engage in race and religion-based cyberbullying. Similar findings were observed in incidents of homophobic name-calling, wherein adolescents with greater empathy were less likely to engage in homophobic name-calling over time (Valido et al., 2022).

Primarily grounded in the social-ecological framework of peer victimization (e.g., Fowler & Buckley, 2024; Hong & Espelage, 2012; Peguero & Hong, 2020), recent research has also sought to unveil the familial and school-related factors associated with bias-based harassment and bullying. For instance, Valido et al. (2022) showed that adolescents exposed to family violence or experiencing low parental monitoring were more prone to perpetrate homophobic name-calling over time. Conversely, a supportive and inclusive school environment has been linked to a reduced likelihood of bias-based bullying. Larochette et al. (2010), found that schools with ethnically diverse teachers and a supportive climate reported fewer incidents of racial bullying. Similarly, Bayram Özdemir and Özdemir (2020) revealed that adolescents were less inclined to engage in ethnic victimization when they perceived their classmates as open to diverse views, respectful of cultural values, and cooperative in class activities. Furthermore, they also showed that when adolescents perceived teachers as firmly discouraging negative comments based on ethnic background, their involvement in ethnic victimization diminished. Nevertheless, it is worth noting that some studies have reported null findings regarding the influence of school context on adolescents’ engagement in identity-based bullying and harassment. For instance, Larochette et al. (2010) reported that factors such as ethnic diversity in school, school safety, and cohesion did not significantly predict adolescents’ involvement in racial bullying. Similarly, Caravita et al. (2020) showed that adolescents’ perceptions of cultural acceptance at school and the percentage of immigrants in the classroom did not explain their participation in racial bullying. However, higher levels of cultural acceptance at school have been found to be a protective factor against engaging in bullying towards immigrant peers, but only among adolescents with high contact with immigrants (Caravita et al., 2021). These findings underscore the necessity for a deeper understanding and systematic exploration of contextual factors, particularly within the school environment, regarding the perpetration of identity-based bullying and harassment. Such efforts are crucial for developing effective strategies that can be implemented in schools.

Characteristics of bystanders of identity-based bullying and harassment

The existing literature comprises diverse lines of research aimed at understanding how young people respond when they witness bias-based peer victimization, each rooted in distinct conceptual frameworks. One line of research focuses on the social-cognitive processes and underscores that children and adolescents differ from one another in interpreting social cues, perceiving perpetrators’ intentions, and understanding victims’ emotions. Such differences in social-cognitive abilities may contribute to variations in how adolescents respond to bias-based bullying or harassment in peer settings. For example, Gönültaş and colleagues showed that adolescents with greater empathic skills or a more developed ‘theory of mind’ (the ability to understand the mental states of oneself and others) were less likely to perceive bullying directed at immigrants and refugees as acceptable (Gönültaş & Mulvey, 2021, 2023). These adolescents were also more inclined to confront the bully by asking them to stop or informing other group members not to participate in the bullying (Gönültaş & Mulvey, 2023), and to exhibit more inclusive behaviours towards victims (Gönültaş et al., 2023). Similar findings were observed in bias-based bullying related to sexual orientation and disability status, where adolescents with higher affective empathy were more likely to express assertive intentions to intervene in homophobic bullying (António et al., 2023; Fowler & Buckley, 2024), and to support and defend victimized peers with disabilities (Vezzali et al., 2020).

The second line of research focuses on social group processes and highlights that when young people hold positive views about diversity, they may perceive any negative treatment towards their peers as unacceptable and unjust (Gönültaş & Mulvey, 2021). Such cognitive processes may evoke negative emotions among them, subsequently motivating adolescents to take action. In contrast, discriminatory and prejudiced beliefs may hinder adolescents’ adaptive moral judgement and, consequently, affect their willingness to challenge the bully (António et al., 2020; Bayram Özdemir et al., 2022; Gönültaş & Mulvey, 2023; Hitti et al., 2023). For instance, Hitti et al. (2023) demonstrated that 9th-grade students with higher discriminatory attitudes towards immigrants were less likely to intervene in bias-based bullying targeting immigrant youth, partly due to a reluctance to engage in social contact with them. Similarly, recent meta-analytical findings revealed that negative beliefs about gay and lesbian individuals among adolescents were associated with a lower intention to intervene against homophobic language (Fowler & Buckley, 2024). Alongside attitudes or views regarding diversity, although some studies reported null findings (e.g., Palmer et al., 2017), other studies indicate that the diversity in adolescents’ social networks also can influence the nature of bystander behaviours. For example, Palmer et al. (2022) found that adolescents with higher intergroup contact reported higher intentions to help socially excluded minority peers. Similarly, Poteat and Vecho (2016) showed that adolescents from 9th to 12th grades who had LGBT friends were more likely to engage in defending behaviours in the context of homophobic bullying. These findings collectively underscore that beliefs and attitudes about diversity, along with the availability of social contact between individuals from different backgrounds, may shape how children and adolescents perceive and respond to bias-based bullying or harassment incidents.

Recent efforts have also been made to identify the possible roles of familial and school-related factors in children and adolescents’ responses to bias-based bullying and harassment incidents. However, the existing body of research in this area is limited. The available studies have shown that attitudes towards diversity within adolescents’ family context and diversity norms within their peer context may contribute to adolescents’ behavioural intentions in response to bias-based bullying incidents. For example, adolescents who had discussions about the nature of racism and the possible consequences of such incidents at home with their parents were more likely to engage in prosocial bystander behaviours when they witnessed ethnicity or racial-based harassment at school, whereas those who were encouraged by their parents to maintain social distance from people of other backgrounds tended to engage in retaliation or passive bystander behaviours (Palmer et al., 2017). Furthermore, adolescents who perceived their peers as having positive views about immigrants (conceptualized as perceived peer norms) had a higher willingness to include victimized minority peers in their peer groups (Gönültaş et al., 2023) and were more likely to stand against ethnic-based bullying by confronting the bully or seeking help from adults or friends (Hitti et al., 2023). By contrast, adolescents who witnessed hate speech at school were less likely to defend their classmates (Castellanos et al., 2023). Such tendencies might be partly due to fear of being the next target (Williams et al., 2018), perceived social contagion (António et al., 2020, 2023), or lack of self-efficacy and behavioural control (Fowler & Buckley, 2024). In conclusion, these findings underscore the importance of fostering positive attitudes towards diversity through discussions within the family and promoting positive informal norms among peers and at school. Empowering adolescents with these values may not only aids in combating bias-based bullying but also contributes to fostering an inclusive school environment.

Introduction of special issue papers

Within this research panorama, this special issue brings together nine papers aimed at advancing our understanding of various forms of bias-based harassment and bullying among early adolescents and adolescents. These papers contribute to existing knowledge by delving deeper into the perspectives of different actors involved, including victims (Basilici et al., 2024; Strohmeier & Gradinger, 2024; Wenzing et al., 2024; Wright & Wachs, 2024), perpetrators (Bayram Özdemir et al., 2024; Papotti & Caravita, 2024; Rodríguez de Arriba et al., 2024), and bystanders and defenders (Bayram Özdemir et al., 2024; Meter et al., 2024). They offer further insights into potential protective factors, such as support from school-based Gay-Straight Alliances (Wright & Wachs, 2024), social support from teachers, and ethnic-racial identity centrality and commitment (Civitillo & Jugert, 2023), that may help shield youth exposed to different forms of bias-based harassment or discrimination from developing psychosocial and academic adjustment difficulties. They also identify risk factors, such as ethnic and religious identification (Wenzing et al., 2024), rumination, and negative emotionality (Civitillo & Jugert, 2023), which exacerbate the negative consequences of such problematic social relationships in peer context.

The special issue papers also shed light on factors influencing adolescents’ engagement in various forms of bias-based harassment and bullying (Bayram Özdemir et al., 2024; Papotti & Caravita, 2024; Rodríguez de Arriba et al., 2024), as well as the crucial role of defenders in addressing such behaviours (Bayram Özdemir et al., 2024; Meter et al., 2024). For instance, the adoption of moral disengagement by popular students in classrooms has been linked to increased involvement in ethnic bullying among adolescents with prejudice beliefs (Papotti & Caravita, 2024); while higher levels of defending intentions and lower levels of reinforcing behaviours shared at the level of classroom have been found to be associated to bystanders’ lower likelihood of engaging in ethnic victimization (Bayram Özdemir et al., 2024). Moreover, observing defending behaviours against stigma-based victimization by both teachers and peers has been associated with an anti-victimization climate in schools, contributing to higher subjective well-being among adolescents (Meter et al., 2024). These findings collectively underscore the importance of developing school-based programmes aimed at addressing the development of moral disengagement and promoting defending behaviours among adolescents as a strategy for intervening in bias-based victimization. Ultimately, such initiatives can contribute to fostering an inclusive social climate across diverse school settings.

Conclusion

Bias-based harassment is pervasive in today’s diverse school environments. Developing a comprehensive understanding of its consequences and underlying causes is increasingly crucial. Such efforts will enable us to systematically explore ways to protect adolescents who are targets of such mistreatment and to implement preventative measures effectively. By gaining insights into these dynamics, we can better inform teacher training and improve the efficacy of existing anti-bullying interventions. The aim of this special issue is to lay the groundwork for this examination and to pave the way for future initiatives aimed at addressing bias-based harassment more comprehensively and efficiently.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Data availability statement

Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.