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ABSTRACT
The hereditary shamans of South Korea’s East Coast region foster a style of ritual that is well noted for its complex, often highly virtuosic, percussion music. Looking beyond the shared norms that hold this tradition together, this study valorises the varied contributions of individual ritualists. It pinpoints the defining characteristics of their performance ‘faces’—the constellation of resemblances and deviations that mark them out as distinctive—and sheds light on the various learning experiences, socio-musical loyalties and rivalries, and personalities that are registered in those faces. Focusing on three generations of ritualists from a single troupe, music analysis and the ritualists’ own testimonies, this study reveals some markedly contrasting takes on tradition. While insights drawn from niche theory help to clarify how competition has encouraged diversification, this enquiry’s most significant contribution is to probe deeper and demonstrate how the musicians’ innermost ways of thinking are registered in their musical choices. Extrapolating from case-study findings, a broadly applicable model of personal style formation and expression is also outlined.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Notes on contributors
Simon Mills is a Senior Lecturer at Durham University, UK. His main specialism is in Korean music, and especially the music of Korean shaman ritual. However, he has also published about other areas such as music and technoculture in Korea (see, for example, Ethnomusicology Forum 22(2), 2013).
Sung-Hee Park’s main area of interest is the musical culture of pre-modern Seoul, which was the topic of her postdoctoral fellowship project in Oxford (2012/13) and of a subsequent publication (2014). However, she has also written about music and technoculture in Korea (together with Simon Mills) and the Korean nation-branding project (2015).
Notes
1. Personal communication, 4 December 1999, South Korea.
2. Here, the authors are drawing from Kim Junghee’s aforementioned analogy; there are no face-related terms in common circulation amongst ritualists nor academics to denote musical individualism within this tradition.
3. Unless otherwise stated, the interviews were conducted by the authors between 20 September 2013 and 2 May 2014 in South Korea, specifically with Kim Yongt’aek, Kim Junghee [Kim Chŏnghŭi], Kim Tongŏn, Kim Tongyŏl, Kim Jinhwan [Kim Chinhwan], Park Bumt’ae [Pak Pŏmt’ae], Cho Jonghun [Cho Chonghun], Son Chŏngjin, Pang Chiwŏn and Chŏng Yŏllak.
4. Musical analysis has mainly involved scrutinising video and audio recordings collected by the authors between 1999 and 2015 to identify extracts that typify individuals’ approaches. These extracts have then been transcribed using conventional notation, with various markings added to highlight distinctive features of patterning, technique and articulation. To facilitate comparison, analysis has focused on two particular rhythmic cycles, p’unŏri and ch’ŏngbo.
5. Charismatic rituals have provided little musical influence. They mainly comprise loud repeated pulses played on drums and gongs to encourage spirit possession and only sometimes employ a few extra rhythmic cycles (typically, kutkŏri, chajinmori and hwimori), executed using just a few simple variations. By their own admission, the charismatic shamans’ rituals are artistically basic; this is why some call upon assistance from the highly trained hereditary ritualists.
6. Rituals always include interludes of joyful singing and dancing focusing on popular favourites—with villagers also encouraged to have a turn at the microphone.
7. Within p’ansori, there are regional divisions into various ‘che’ [style] and also stylistic lineages, wherein a performer may follow, for example, X’s che (or padi [stylistic lineage]) for the singing of the Shimch’ŏng story (Kwŏn Osŏng, personal communication, 19 November 2016).
8. These processes are effectively interrogated by Berliner, writing with regard to jazz (Citation1994: 63–288).
9. For example, the Korean cultural preservation system stipulates that appointees must not subject their art to change. See the Cultural Heritage Charter: http://english.cha.go.kr/english/about_new/charter.jsp?mc=EN_02_04 (accessed 10 August 2016).
10. The present authors are surprised that so few ethnomusicologists have thought to apply a niche theory perspective to the exploration of musical style formation—drawing from the pioneering works of cultural ecology (Barth Citation1956; Rappaport Citation1968; Steward [Citation1955]Citation1990) and from later developments (for example, Alley Citation1982; Kendal Citation2012; Love Citation1977). We particularly advocate the application of niche construction theory, which addresses the previous unfortunate tendency to underplay individual agency in evolution-related conceptualisation (see Rahaim Citation2006: 35–6); now organisms are seen to not only respond to but also modify their niches through processes of negotiation (Odling-Smee, Laland, and Feldman Citation2003).
11. Nowadays, troupes mainly perform good fortune rituals [Pyŏlshin kut], to re-establish a state of harmony between gods and community members, and post-death rituals [Ogwi kut], to soothe the souls of the deceased and bereaved (Mills Citation2007: 19–28, Citation2012).
12. Personality-centred explanations of musical works abound in educational documentaries such as the Genius of … mini-series presented by Charles Hazlewood (three TV episodes released 19 March 2004, BBC2, three TV episodes released 3 June 2005, BBC2).
13. Ivan Hewett writes: ‘If I was rash enough to attempt a definition of jazz’s essence, I’d say it was the unpremeditated revelation of human personality through a musical instrument, mediated by jazz’s inherited idiom’ (Telegraph, 7 February 2014).
14. Nevertheless, within the field of music psychology, empirical studies have been conducted to elucidate correlations between personalities and favoured musical qualities—building upon the earliest studies (Cattell and Saunders Citation1954) to apply more rigorous forms of psychological assessment and acknowledge the breadth of contemporary tastes (North and Hargreaves Citation2008; Rentfrow and Gosling Citation2003, 2011).
15. For example, many mild-mannered conservative white children favour the hardcore sounds of gangsta rap and, as Paul Auslander (Citation2009: 305) points out, many musicians adopt performance personas deviating markedly from their off-stage personalities (see also Moore Citation2012: 179–81).
16. Unfortunately, little is known about the contents of East Coast rituals before the 1970s, when the first ethnographic studies were carried out (Ch’oe Kilsŏng Citation1972). It only becomes possible to begin exploring musical details subsequent to the late 1970s, when the first comprehensive field recordings were produced (Yun, Yŏllak and Chongjin Citation2012/Citation13).
17. In cities like P’ohang, Pusan, Ulsan and Kangnŭng, there are neighbourhoods where charismatic shamans are especially concentrated and many smaller communities have one or two resident shamans.
18. Kim Pŏmsu (b. 2016), the son of Kim Jinhwan and his shaman wife Kim Hana, is the first child to have been born into the tradition of shaman parentage for several decades. Given his family’s deep immersion in ritual life, it seems highly likely that he will follow. At the age of just 100 days, he was introduced to ritual performance, handed around amongst family members and placed beside his father as he played the drum (12 October 2016, South Korea).
19. Although younger ritualists have used record playback technology to assist skill acquisition and older ritualists have abandoned aggressive teaching practices, learning modes remain much the same: watching and listening during ritual, memorising and practising in private, and receiving directed tuition from elders.
20. According to Kim Sŏkch’ul, ‘helping’ charismatic shamans has been lucrative for many years (personal communication, 24 January 2000, South Korea). Nowadays, however, it has become more prevalent, with collaborative rituals also taking place outside the East Coast region.
21. Here, we write ‘very close’ rather than ‘on’ to acknowledge that Kim is a master of subtle micro-rhythmic placement, as confirmed by micro-rhythmic analysis (see Mills Citation2011).
22. Recorded by Mills at a ritual in Mop’o village, 8 April 2000.
23. Recorded by Park at a ritual in Nasa village, 20 September 2013.
24. Kim himself was impressed by Kim Myŏnggon’s (Citation1987) biography (personal communication, 24 January 2000, South Korea). Yi Duhyun’s published fieldwork recordings, from the early 1980s, provide a vivid picture of his ritual artistry (Yun, Yŏllak and Chongjin Citation2012/Citation13).
25. Recorded by Mills in Ch’uksan village, 28 April 2000 – a rare instance when Kim took charge of the drum during ritual. By that stage in his life, he would mainly spectate, offer criticism, and play the t’aep’yŏngso shawm.
26. Recorded by the authors during a private interview, 2 May 2014, South Korea.
27. Recorded by the authors during a private interview, 2 May 2014, South Korea.
28. In contrast with Kim Yongt’aek, rather than use one swing of the wrist and the skin’s bounciness to execute rapid pairs of strokes on the lower-pitched head, Kim Junghee articulates every sound with an independent wrist movement. This allows precise control of every sound, but prohibits displays of extreme speed and volume.
29. Recorded by Park, Nasa village, 20 September 2013.