The Central Cemetery in Vienna: Past and Present of Muslim Areas

Abstract

The sections for Muslims in the Central Cemetery in Vienna are gradually expanding spatially from its edge to the central parts. Thanks to this expansion, the gravestones are more visible to ordinary visitors. Aware of the growing visibility of their gravestones, Muslims, buried in the cemetery since the 1970s, have begun to consider their final monuments as important sites of religious expression. These monuments can be understood as an important source of information about the followers of Islam living in one of the major metropolises of Central Europe. One style of tombstone predominates in the Muslim sections of the Central Cemetery. It is a highly standardized monument that one often finds in the catalogues of local stone carving companies. On average, about 25% of the tombstones emphasize the Muslim convictions of the deceased. Other aspects of the identity of the deceased, such as their national, cultural, or political affiliations, are not often emphasized. My research into gravestones suggests that, in death, Muslims in Vienna prefer to be remembered primarily as Muslims.

Keywords: :

• Islam
• cemetery
• tombs
• Austria
• Vienna

Introduction

Vienna is one of the key locations for interdisciplinary research on Muslim minorities in Central Europe. A partial topic that tells a lot about the local communities of followers of Islam is the issue of the last things of man. The environment of Vienna’s Central Cemetery has become an interesting image of the presence of various religious and worldview groups. Muslims cannot be overlooked in this colorful kaleidoscope. The tombstones located in sections 25, 27a, 27b, and 36 are evidence of the continuous development of funeral culture, especially from the 1970s to the present time.

Firstly, the text briefly introduces the Central Cemetery in Vienna. Subsequently, it deals with individual sections intended for Muslims in chronological order of their origin. Thanks to their specific elements, the development of communities belonging to various cultural interpretations of Islam and living in the Austrian capital will be indicated. The study is a result of research during which the following methods were used: critical analysis of academic literature, non-participant observation, and analysis of self-presentation, photo documentation, and description of location. The text is based on an analysis and comparison of examples from the Central Cemetery in Vienna obtained during research visits conducted in 2014 and 2015.

The Second Largest Cemetery in Europe

Vienna’s Central Cemetery, with a total of 2.5 square kilometers, is the second-largest cemetery in Europe after Hamburg-­Ohlsdorf. There are about 330,000 graves and around 3,000,000 people buried here. The authors of the original project were the landscape architects Karl Jonas Mylius and Alfred Friedrich Bluntschli from Frankfurt. The cemetery was planned as a place of final rest for all faiths. After long political debates, the space was consecrated on October 30, 1874 in a Catholic ceremony. Due to the high number of daily farewells with the deceased, two mourning halls were built in 1905. The central sacral building, designed by Max Hegele, was not built on the pre-planned site until 1908–1911 (Leisner 2003, 117). By 1921, there was a total of seven extensions of the cemetery complex. In order to reduce the time needed for burial, a third mourning hall was added in 1923 (Rauscher undated, 4–5).

Following the park-type design of the late nineteenth century, the cemetery is arranged hierarchically, with the center as the most important section and the periphery as the least important. In the center of the cemetery is the main entrance, which is followed by a pathway lined with the graves of “important” personalities such as Ludwig von Beethoven. The path culminates in an open space in front of the sacral building. In this way, the social hierarchy is reflected in the overall layout of the cemetery, the location of individual fields, and the arrangement of the sections themselves (Klapetek 2017, 214). Sections for Muslims in the Central Cemetery in Vienna are located on its outskirts. Gradually, they detach themselves from the wall of the neighboring Evangelical Cemetery and expand toward the center of the investigated locality. The potential impacts of this internal layout are disrupted by the availability of local public transport. The tram end-station is located near side gate number three, through which it is possible to visit the Muslim sections straightaway.

Section 25: The Oldest Records of Muslim Tombs

When describing Muslim cemetery sections, starting with the oldest part is necessary. Section 25 is more-or-less in the shape of a right-angled triangle and is one of the smallest in the cemetery. It was not officially opened to the public until 1930 (Heine, Lohlker, and Potz 2012, 133–134). According to the cemetery’s plans from 2015, there should eventually be a total of 124 gravesites in this section. These should be arranged in eight rows. At the beginning of July 2015, 45 graves with various above-ground arrangements were recorded during field research. Parallel groups one to five are oriented, according to religious regulations, toward Mecca (Gartner 2012, 52).

In some cases, graves are oriented according to rules other than religion. Only the eighth row located on the longer side towards the center of the cemetery is an exception that proves the aforementioned rule about hierarchy. It is a line located at the visually exposed edge of the central field. The gravesites in these groups, which line the sections like some imaginary lace, have been in high demand from the beginning. Therefore, they were rented rapidly at a time when significant changes in the religious spectrum of the population of Vienna could not be expected. Survivors and other passersby use the large cemetery with park landscaping for regular walks and other social occasions. Gravestones at the edge of the cemetery field are more visible to visitors. Thanks to this, the place of remembrance of a particular deceased person is highlighted (Klapetek 2022a, 140). Furthermore, the social capital of his family increases in this way. This results in better visual contact between the tombstone and the passerby.

However, the section for Muslims is not separate. It is part of a communal cemetery from the nineteenth century. Therefore, this lace-lining motif is emphasized by an uneven network of various monuments, which, like large tombs, are located mainly in the corners of cemetery fields at the area of a crossroad. In the case of section 25, the crossroad monument is a large obelisk placed in memory of the fallen who died in the rebellion in March 1848 (Häusler 2017, 108) (Figure 1). At one junction of the paths, where the grass ends, there is a smaller monument commemorating the Saxon soldiers who fought with the Austrian-Hungarian army against Prussia in 1866. Eventually, they retreated through the Czech lands and Pressburg to the gates of Vienna where some of them succumbed to war wounds in field hospitals (Figure 2).

FIG 1 Obelisk in memory of the fallen of the uprising in March 1848. Photo by author.

FIG 2 Monument to Saxon soldiers from 1866. Photo by author.

The use of materials often characterizes the buried persons. The 45 graves of section 25 bear striking visual and stylistic similarities. On 42 of the 45 units, survivors installed a stela, and there is no monument on the remaining three. Seventy percent of the tombstones are made of granite, terrazzo, or marble. The rest of the monuments are made of other types of stone. Grave markers in this cemetery often have a simple wooden board as a monument, but they are notably absent in this section. Wooden boards with information about the deceased are often permanently located in the sections for Muslims in communal cemeteries in Austria. These boards often appear on the graves of the dead from the Balkans. It was, for example, a less financially demanding solution. The absence of wooden boards in section 25 is due to two factors, in my opinion. First, these graves are the oldest, and many of them have already been secondarily covered with more expensive tombstones. Second, there is no special section of children’s graves in this field, which often remain permanently covered with simple wooden boards.

The shape of the tombstone and its decoration can, in some cases, emphasize some essential characteristics of the deceased: his or her religiousness, relationship to his or her original homeland, or love for nature. Sixty percent of the stelae cannot be assigned to a specific religious background due to their shape or primary decoration. On average, every fourth tombstone emphasizes the religious affiliation of the deceased. In a few exceptional cases, there is a monument highlighting the nationality of the deceased, or a certain cultural element (Klapetek 2019, 498–501). Some tombstones contain long inscriptions in Arabic script, calls to prayer, or calligraphy. Nevertheless, this written component can be interpreted as an important addition to the overall concept of the tombstones. Their shape and primary additions do not vary significantly from the completely standard shapes of monuments of the surrounding majority society. These gravestones thus contain either a clearly religious appearance or an orientalizing nostalgic appearance. However, the appearance of the tombstone does not only describe the legacy of the deceased. The gravestone was built by his or her family, which is why the aesthetic requirements of the closest people are reflected.

The gravestone’s design can be simple, standard, elaborate, or individualistic. It is related, among other things, to the financial possibilities of the family. Three-fourths of the tombstones could be considered as the standard offer of local stone sculptors, and roughly every fourth monument has a more elaborate or even individualized appearance. In comparison with the surrounding graves, the historicizing grave crowned by a turban is a special option (Eigner 2008, 48) (Figure 3). Most graves in section 25 use the gravestone concept as an upright rectangular. This is the usual concept in the surrounding cemetery fields with Christian graves. This tombstone is, in my opinion, based on the Ottoman designs used in the Balkan Peninsula. This is a slender stone stele with a turban. Using a turban refers to the fact that a man was buried here (Sörries 2015, 109).

FIG 3 Historic gravestone with a turban. Photo by author.

The primary function of a tombstone is to preserve the memory of a particular deceased through basic information. Records on the preserved tombstones in cemetery field number 25 document the burials of the deceased, especially in the period of 1974–1987 (Rauscher undated, 44; Sörries 2015, 156). More information about the name and age of the deceased can usually be obtained from the text on the tombstone. Nevertheless, a small number of monuments have been damaged by weather conditions, there are names that can be held by both men and women, the inscriptions on some tombstones are covered with bushes, etc., so the information is not perfect. Despite these complications, it is possible to find specific information about the vast majority of those buried. Three-fourths of them were men. Regarding the age of the deceased, half were seniors, 30% were adults, and the remaining 20% were newborns, children, and adolescents. The tombstone can also be a source of information about the nationality of the deceased. The typology of the monuments often identified the deceased with a particular nation. Another important piece of information is the name and surname of the deceased, since it assigns him or her to a certain ethnic group or directly to a nation. According to the frequency of first and last names and other documents, approximately one third of the deceased can be classified as Turks, and a second third as Iranians. The final third of the deceased came from Arabic countries, Bosnia, and Austria (Hadžić 2019, 141).

In addition to basic information about the deceased, other types of texts and decorations appear on the gravestones. There are texts on practically all the monuments. One-fourth of the tombstones contain only basic information about the deceased. Forty percent of the monuments have inscriptions in Arabic script, but only three graves contain the call for the prayer of the first sura of the Qur’an, or the exclamation ‘In the Name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful’ (Basmala) (Graham and Kermani 2006, 123–124). Only two tombstones in field 25 show a picture of the deceased on a porcelain base. Every tenth tombstone is engraved with a crescent moon with a star, roses, or garlands of flowers. Tombstones were not supplemented with statuettes or large metal accessories in the form of flowers. In my opinion, conservative views based on Islamic art were manifested here.

Creating a gravesite is a longer process. First, a tombstone is built, which can include lamps or flower vases. Secondarily, relatives and friends bring various objects and, in some cases, even cut flowers. Finally, the site is often supplemented with a permanent planting of flowers. The resulting shape of the graves was described during the research. There are no secondary decorations with religious motifs on the graves in section number 25. During their installation, 40% of the monuments were supplemented with lanterns or vases that were usually made of metal. This is a common feature on the surrounding non-Muslim tombs. Another 20% of the graves contain simple lanterns and vases for cut flowers which were brought later. Artificial flowers can be found as a secondary decoration on every eighth tomb. Only 40% of all graves were planted with evergreen plants. Only 20% of the graves have permanent flower arrangements. A temporary floral decoration is an absolute exception.

Sections 27a and 27b: From “Oriental” Immigrants to ­Neighbors

Graves intended for Muslims are also found in other parts of the cemetery. Section 27 has a square shape and is divided by a diagonal path leading to the center of the cemetery into parts 27a and 27b. These were officially opened in 1884 and 1886. The first part offers interesting proof of the national and religious diversity of Vienna. In the corners of the triangle, there are groups of graves of the Coptic Orthodox Church, the Syrian Orthodox Church (Gastgeber and Gschwandtner 2004, 115–120, 122–129), and the Islamic-Egyptian community. With their shorter side, the grave sites in rows 1 to 3 are oriented according to the individual sides of the triangle. In this way, the faces of the tombstones at the head of the graves are directed toward those passing by. The situation from section 25 is repeated here. The graves in group 1 are interrupted by a free entrance leading to one part dedicated to Muslims only. A monument with an information function also supplements this group. The texts are in Latin, German, and Arabic. The orientation of the tombs of Orthodox Christians from both communities corresponds to the original layout of the cemetery field.

The difference between the Muslim graves and the surrounding Christian gravestones is immediately apparent. According to religious regulations, Muslim graves should be oriented toward Mecca. This motif is further underlined by the construction of a permanent monument in the form of a mihrab. It is complemented by the planned planting of evergreen shrubs (Petersen 1996, 186–187) (Figure 4). According to the cemetery’s plans from 2015, there should be a total of 57 grave sites. At the beginning of July 2015, 47 graves with various above-ground modifications were recorded during the field research. The tombs are divided into eight rows. In the plans, they are numbered, and there is also the designation M (in German it stands for the word Muslimisch). It is, therefore, a small number of graves of persons who came from one community. This method of solution is not so standard in Austria. People of different nationalities are usually buried in larger fields.

FIG 4 Mihrab. Photo by author.

The following paragraph focuses on the appearance of the 47 graves of cemetery field 27a. Thirty-six of them are fitted with one monument, three of them have two stelae, and eight of them lack a tombstone. Eighty-five ‘ of these are made of granite, marble, and terrazzo. Other variations are mainly monuments made of ordinary stone. Again, three-fourths of the tombstones cannot be assigned to any of the specific types. Only 25% could be interpreted primarily as religious with a cultural overlap. Half of the stelae could be considered to be a standard offering of local stone carving companies. These companies use granite, terrazzo, and, occasionally, marble for their monuments. Forty percent of the monuments have a simple shape, and the remaining 10% could be described as elaborate or even idiosyncratic (Figure 5). In my opinion, national compactness limits the diversity of tombstone shapes. If the community were of Turkish origin, the gravestones would probably be more diverse (Klapetek 2022a, 163–165). Another reason for the simplicity of the solution is the gender and age composition of the deceased, which is discussed in the following paragraph.

FIG 5 Laptop model as part of a tombstone. Photo by author.

Records on the preserved tombstones in cemetery field number 27a document the burials of the deceased, especially in the period 1988–2013 (Brandstetter 2009, 29). For the same reasons as in the previous sections, only 8% of the monuments are able to provide detailed information about the gender of those buried there. Seventy-three percent of this group were men. As for the age of the deceased, 45% were adults and adolescents, 43% were seniors, and the remaining 12 were newborns. In contrast with other fields, there are no separate children’s graves. This finding indicates the limited possibilities of the methods used by the researcher. Information needs to be supplemented from other sources. The unusually specific name of this part of cemetery field 27a “the Islamic-Egyptian community” emphasizes the Arab origin of most of those buried here. In addition, it is possible to obtain information from the monuments regarding the nationality of the buried person. Eighty percent of them could be referred to as Arabs, 16% as Austrian family members or converts, and the remaining 4% as Muslims from Bosnia and Turkey. The research thus confirmed the Arab national predominance among those buried in this section.

Because there is no depiction of the deceased on any of the tombstones in section 27a, the deceased’s nationality stands out as especially important. In particular, Sunni art forbids the depiction of human figures (Naef 2007, 33–138). Moreover, tombstones are also found in public spaces. Many of the deceased and their families came from an Arab background. Even in the new homeland, they displayed the aesthetic standards typical of their original land. In addition, grave decorations violate a more general requirement for tombstone simplicity. As part of the research, it is interesting to see which elements of the original culture will be preserved. Other details change not only in contact with Austrian society. Families from different Muslim-majority countries are in contact in Europe. There is a mutual cultural influence here. In my opinion, this includes the depiction of the dead on tombstones.

Ideally, a tombstone should convey information about the deceased in a generally understandable way. This includes, among other things, the use of specific lettering. In the vast majority of cases, basic information about the deceased is in Latin lettering. Thirty-five percent of the monuments are supplemented by other diverse texts and exclamations in Arabic. There are no calls to the prayer of the first sura of the Qur’an on the tombstones in Latin lettering, and there is only one citation of the Qur’anic text in German (Figure 6). There is the inscription “Wir gehören Gott an und zu Ihm kehren wir zurück“/“Surely to Allah we belong and to Him we will all return.” (2:156) on the tombstone of Dr. Mohamed Farouk and Annemarie El-Shohoumi (Section 27a, row 5, number 33). Again, in my opinion, the emphasis on simplicity is evident here. Only primary data about the deceased are recorded. The low number of explicit calls to pray for the dead is again related to the national composition. If the field were designated for the deceased of Turkish origin, the calls to prayer would be more frequent (Klapetek 2022b, 428–431). The use of German, on the one hand, indicates the linguistic background of the buried couple. On the other hand, the specific language should be comprehensible to the people who visit the grave. In section 27a there is also one grave with an English inscription referring to the survivors and their relationship to the deceased. Only in one case is there an engraved crescent moon with a star, calligraphy, or flowers on the monument.

FIG 6 Quran quote in German on a tombstone. Photo by author.

Although the gravestone is crucial for describing the gravesite, other objects also need to be observed. Some were incorporated right from the start near the tombstone. Visitors later brought other things. As far as I could tell, only two graves contain cultural or religious decorations. In both cases, the decoration is a stone book with open pages and a gilded inscription in Arabic script. These are located on the tombs of Hasan and Franziska Wadi (Section 27a, row 2, number 15 A) and Abdelkarim Tamma (Section 27a, row 4, number 28). However, half of all graves in this section contain other types of decorations and accessories. Every second monument from this group has been supplemented with lanterns and vases. There are also artificial flowers, plastic vases for flowers, simple lanterns, and candles. Many graves contain memorabilia in the shape of small hearts that are commonly available in shops. Some of the graves are complemented by floral decoration combined with German inscriptions without reference to Islamic motifs or terms. So, the grave is still “a place of memory” for family and friends (Klapetek 2022a, 273–274). However, the material evidence of this relationship is not exclusively of a religious nature. To some extent, this is based on the traditional Islamic concept. In this case, there is again an emphasis on simplicity. Still, other ways are being sought to express an ongoing relationship with the deceased. Commonly available means will serve this purpose. Thanks to their generality, they are understandable not only to the family but also to other visitors. It is not only the shape of the object that is important. The use of German underlines its comprehensibility. This detail shows the interconnectedness of the individual elements that make up the grave.

The possibility of floral decoration on Muslim graves in Europe is a topic of internal religious controversy. So, the rate of use of flowers is affected by many variables. Floral decoration of the tomb in the form of evergreen plants, which could also be interpreted in the light of the religious position of the tenant of the grave site, appear on 38% of the graves or in their immediate vicinity (Al-Bukhari 1997, 264). Permanent decorations of brightly colored flowers can be seen on 40% of the graves. Temporary decorations, especially in the form of cut flower bouquets, do not appear—except in one case, where the exception confirms the rule. The methods used by the researcher allow for capturing only the existing form of the grave. Repeat research is needed to describe long-term trends. Therefore, the researcher’s interpretations are only partial. A relatively high proportion of perennial flowers indicates repeated visits by family and friends. The absence of cut flower vases reveals the limited use of floral decoration.

As already discussed, section 27 is divided into two equally large parts. Therefore, the following paragraphs describe the second half of this section. The whole of section 27b is marked as the “Islamic religious community” in the cemetery plans (Islamische Glaubensgemeinschaft, IGGIÖ) (Aslan, Kolb, and Yildiz 2017, 32). This demonstrates the growing importance of organized Islam and its relationship to the city council. According to the cemetery plans from 2015, there should be a total of 435 grave sites. They should be arranged in 25 rows. At the beginning of July 2015, 408 graves with various above-ground arrangements were recorded during field research.

The high number allows the researcher to capture a broad spectrum of graves. On the one hand, the prevailing tendency will show. On the other hand, such a high number of graves makes it possible to describe various exceptions. The amount of graves fitted with a monument is 322, while 18 have two stelae, and 68 lack a tombstone. Eighty percent of these are made of granite, marble, or terrazzo. Other examples are mainly monuments made of wood or ordinary stone.

During the preparatory phase of the research, it was assumed that the graves in compartment 27b would be more indicative of their possible types. However, initial estimates of a high proportion of primarily religious motives were not confirmed. Similar to previous graveyard fields, 60% of the tombstones cannot be assigned to any specific type. Only one in four could be interpreted primarily as religious. The rest of them carry signs of cultural overlap, or there is an emphasis on belonging to a particular nation. Sixty percent of the monuments could be considered a standardized offering of local stone carving companies. They typically use granite, terrazzo, and, exceptionally, marble for their products. So, shape, material, and design quality were not paramount. On the one hand, it shows a preference for simplicity. This trend can be explained in several ways. Traditional religious ideas about the simplicity of the grave are manifested here (Sörries 2015, 35–36). Further, this is related to the limited financial resources families are willing to invest in a tombstone. Lastly, accepting a typical solution from the surrounding grave fields is the easiest. Therefore, the researcher has to keep track of various decorative accessories. Above all, diverse inscriptions are an essential element.

The research of hundreds of tombstones in section 27b confirmed current trends in their shapes and quality of designs. Every fourth tombstone has a simple shape, and 15% could be described as elaborate or even idiosyncratic. The grave of one of the important figures of Austrian Islam, Dr. Ahmad Abdelrahimsai (Section 27b, row 9, number 25), stands out from the standard due to its design (Hadžić 2019, 129, 139, 148, 150) (Figure 7). This is a financially expensive gravestone made of white marble. The essential elements of the decoration are taken from Islamic art. The tombstone is covered with calligraphic inscriptions with religious content.

FIG 7 Tombstone of Dr. Ahmad Abdelrahimsai. Photo by author.

The importance of section 27b for research is not only in the high number of graves. The relatively long time during which the section was gradually filled with these graves is also significant. Records on the preserved tombstones in cemetery field number 27b document the identities of the deceased, especially for the period 1988–2014. For the same reasons as in the previous sections, I could only determine the gender of the buried for 87% of the monuments. Sixty-seven percent of this group were men. In my opinion, this indicates a long-term process of stabilizing the gender balance of Muslim communities in Austria. Most Muslim families in Austria have a migration history. It often happened that their families came to stay with the men only later. The fourth generation of Muslims lives in Austria today (Ornig 2006, 112–114). This fact appears to be the last in the established age profile of the deceased.

In terms of the age of the deceased, half were adults, every fourth was a senior, 12% were newborns, and the remaining 13% were children or adolescents. The relatively low number of seniors is striking: scholars have suggested this is due to the fact that “…many older migrants return to their home country. Due to this fact, only a fraction of the deaths of the Muslim population in Austria is recorded” (Marik-Lebeck 2010, 8). Twenty-nine percent of those buried here came from the Balkans, 22% were Arabs and Iranians, 19% came from Turkey, and the remaining 6% could be referred to as Austrian family members or converts. Section 27b thus far better represents the national spectrum of Muslims living in and around Vienna. The general character of this section marks the most pronounced differences compared to the previous 27a.

As in sections 25 and 27a, the appearance of the tombstones conveys significant information about the claimed identities of the deceased by blending European cultural elements with more traditionally Muslim elements. For example, it is interesting that 17% of the tombstones already have a picture of the deceased. Compared to the previous sections, this is a significant increase. This change contributes to the documenting of the national diversity of the people buried in section 27b.

However, various inscriptions remain crucial to passing on information about the deceased. Similar to the previous grave fields, the basic information about the deceased is usually recorded in Latin lettering. In section 27b, every fifth monument is supplemented by other diverse texts and exclamations in Arabic. Compared to section 27a, this is a lower number, which can again be explained by the diversity of nationalities of those buried. The different national composition of this section is shown in the variety of other inscriptions. Ten percent of the tombstones contain Latin letters that call for the prayer of the first sura of the Qur’an. There are only three citations of the Qur’anic text in German directly on the monument. Exceptions are the words “Allah” and “Muhammad” written in Latin lettering, the Turkish expression “God alone is eternal,” the tops of minarets, or Basmala. Inscriptions referring to the survivors and their relationship to the deceased appear on 7% of the tombstones. Above all, the deceased were members of various Balkan nations, but inscriptions could be seen in Turkish and Kurdish as well. Only 5% of the tombstones contain longer texts, shorter calls, or a salutation in German. These were mainly quotes from Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Immanuel Kant, Bertolt Brecht, or Augustine Aurelio. This surprising feature is not repeated in other Muslim cemetery fields. It shows the importance of section 27b for the research of the Central Cemetery in Vienna. An engraved crescent moon with a star or calligraphy appears on 15% of the monuments. Seven percent of the tombstones are decorated with engraved roses or lilies. Among the exceptions, there are, for example, a dove, a branch, a treble clef, a grapevine, a golden tree, a saber, stars, or orientalizing elements. The decoration of the monuments includes plastic and metal roses in a few percent of the graves. It turns out that there is a need to pay more attention to the research of the inscriptions (Klapetek 2022b).

The higher number of graves in 27b makes it possible to describe a more diverse decoration than the previous sections. According to the researcher’s recognition, there were cultural and religious decorations on 12 graves. These are mainly large stone books with open pages and gilded inscriptions in Arabic script. An exception is an object in the shape of the Qur’an made of porcelain. At first glance, this is not a high number. Nevertheless, this is a significant increase with respect to the previous sections. Another characteristic remained the same here because half of all the graves in this section contain other types of decorations and accessories. However, the change from section 27a can also go in the opposite direction as only 30% of monuments from this group have been supplemented with lanterns and vases made of the same material during their installation. In my opinion, this fact cannot be automatically interpreted religiously. In other words, to a greater extent, the bereaved reject the elements typical of the local Christian burial culture. After all, vases mean flowers brought and lanterns mean lighted candles (Sörries 2015, 38). In this case, decorative books referring to the Qur’an would not appear on the graves. They would also be seen as redundant. Instead, there is a more general change in the design of tombstones. This may not automatically have anything to do with the person’s religion.

A comparable number of diverse decorations to previous sections indicates a steady state. Certain types of items keep repeating. It shows their continued popularity. There are again artificial flowers, plastic vases for flowers, simple lanterns, and candles. One can find angels of various sizes, objects in the shape of clasped hands, plastic fruits, or statues of birds, teddy bears, and ponies. Some graves were decorated with metal roses, decorative sticks for gardens, pinwheels, or butterflies, and with hearts on wires embedded in floral decorations. This can be described as an expression of an individualistic approach. Some of the graves are complemented by floral decoration combined with German inscriptions without reference to Islamic terminology. Such subjects lose their individualistic approach to a certain extent.

However, the generality of the subjects used may be even higher. Surprisingly, there are also seasonal items that were not removed later for various reasons. Some graves are decorated with Christmas or spring motifs. A single grave decorated with a sea theme was the exception, confirming the rule of the generality of these things. One could also see temporary mourning bouquets and wreaths of plastic flowers. This is evidenced by using objects without a primary connection to the Islamic context. The question for additional research remains whether this is evidence of a certain degree of integration of funeral culture or just a more accessible solution for the need to express grief over losing a loved one.

At this point, the limitations of the research methods used become apparent. A significant decrease of evergreen bushes was noted in field 27b compared to the previous areas. However, the situation in section 27b cannot be interpreted only about changes in the behavior of grave tenants (Sörries 2015, 38). The cemetery administration also plants evergreen bushes as so-called hedges. The researcher must, therefore, accurately distinguish between different types of planting. Permanent decorations of brightly colored flowers can only be seen here on one-fourth of the graves. Again, there is a decline in the number here. However, the high number of graves in field 27b can be an opportunity for more accurate estimates of this behavior. Temporary decoration, especially in the form of cut flower bouquets, appears quite rarely. In this case, the trend from the previous grave fields was confirmed.

Section 36: A Uniform Field as an Example of Cultural Diversity

When compared to the previous examples, field 36 is larger. It has the shape of a rectangle which is divided by a path into two identical halves. It is the most recent of all the Muslim sections at Vienna’s Central Cemetery. This is where new gravesites are being placed, and therefore it is an interesting space that tells much about the current situation and future development of Islam in the city. Since its official opening in 1881, the entire field has been lined with Christian graves on its edges. They are grouped in rows 1–4. Half of the section examined by the researcher is unevenly divided into three basic parts. The largest of these belongs to the Islamic religious community (IGGIÖ). It is adjacent to one of the sides of the triangular land of section 27b, which, despite its division by one of the side paths, gives it the impression of stylish compactness. The central part is intended for the Islamic Shiite religious community (Islamische Schiitische Glaubensgemeinschaft) (Aslan, Kolb, and Yildiz 2017, 35). A part of the section located toward the center of the cemetery, in the farthest location from the first of the examined fields (section 25), has belonged to the Islamic Alevi religious community since 2011 (Islamische Alevitische Glaubensgemeinschaft) (Bauer and Mattes 2019, 67). In the plans recording various pieces of technical equipment and monuments, there is no reference to one particularly interesting feature of this cemetery section: a permanent table designed to display a coffin with the deceased during public prayer for the dead which is an integral part of Muslim funeral ceremonies (Venhorst 2013, 268–270) (Figure 8). Previous research has observed that the majority of prayers took place directly at the grave in older sections of the cemetery (Eigner 2008, 50). The permanent coffin display table suggests that Islam is adopting a more prominent public presence in the newer sections of the cemetery.

FIG 8 A permanently placed table designed to display a coffin during public prayer for the dead. Photo by author.

Field 36 alone does not say much about the general role of the Central Cemetery in Vienna, but to an expert and an educated Muslim visitor, it reveals the mutual relations between the individual currents and the cultural interpretations of Islam in present and future Austria. As in other European countries, the share of Shiites is marginal (Klapetek 2018, 37). As in neighboring Germany, the consequences of regulated economic migration in the second half of the twentieth century brought Alevis from the rural areas of central and eastern Turkey to Austria. In both countries, the process of institutionalizing Alevi communities has been underway in recent years. In Germany, this is further related to the development of Alevian theological centers at selected public universities. In Austria, it is a process of community recognition by the state in a long-term process that culminated in the adoption of a new Islamic law in 2015 (Nalborczyk 2016, 74).

At the time of the research, new graves were created in cemetery field number 36. It was not about the repeated use of existing gravesites. This is the fundamental difference compared to the previous examples. The number of graves fitted with one monument is 122 from 170, while 18 contain two stelae, three can be seen on one grave, and there is no tombstone on 29 graves. Their novelty can explain the low number of graves in section 36 without a tombstone. Twice as many graves in field 27b eventually remained without a tombstone. The family finally chose a more permanent material if the tombstone supplemented the grave. More expensive materials are also used to a considerable extent on new graves. Sixty-five percent of these are made of granite, marble, or terrazzo. Every fourth monument is made of wood. Other monuments are made of ordinary stone or metal.

The assumption of a predominant share of the type referring to religion could not be proven. Similar to the previous areas, 61% of the tombstones cannot be assigned to any kind. Nevertheless, the research managed to show a persistent trend. Only 22% could be interpreted primarily as religious. The rest carry signs of emphasis on cultural elements or on belonging to a particular nation. For example, there is a monument in the shape of a mosque with a minaret on the grave of a Bosnian man (Petersen 1996, 190, 220–223). Also, a place of birth or a map of the country of origin appears on several tombstones. Forty-one percent of the stelae could be considered a stock standard local stone carving that companies offer. These companies mostly use granite, terrazzo, and, rarely, marble for their products. The same number of monuments have a simple shape; the remaining 8% could be described as elaborate or unique. Children’s graves in the form of a stylized angel or a heart with a teddy bear are captivating in their styling. The traditional marble monument with a turban also stands out precisely because its traditionalism makes a striking visual contrast with the dark-colored stone monuments of surrounding graves.

Research on the most recent cemetery field confirmed a steady trend regarding the gender of those buried. Records on the surviving tombstones in cemetery field number 36 can tell us much information about the deceased, especially from 2007 to 2015 (Brandstetter 2009, 49). For the same reasons as in the previous sections, only 67% of the monuments provide information about the gender of the deceased. Again, it was noted that 70% of this group were men. This information can supplement sociological research on the current Muslim population in Austria (Aslan, Kolb, and Yildiz 2017). Regarding the deceased’s age, 47% were adults and adolescents, 42% were seniors, and 11% were children or newborns. Thirty-five percent of those buried here came from the Balkans, 20% were Arabs, 18% were from Turkey, 14% were from Iran, and the remaining 10% could be considered Austrian family members or converts.

Information about age, nationality, and gender shows that the possibilities of the methods and information sources used by the researcher need to be supplemented primarily by the results of sociological and historical research. These may include changes in the age structure of Muslims living in Austria (Aslan, Kolb, and Yildiz 2017, 38–46), domestic political developments in Iran following the death of Ayatollah Khomeini, or the end of the civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Heine, Lohlker, and Potz 2012, 70–71, 77–78). Thanks to other sources of information, it can be stated that the investigated tombstones prove the ethnic diversity of the Muslim population of today’s Vienna.

Elements of decoration of gravestones may indicate the diversity of currents within Islam. Only 23% of the tombstones in section 36 have a picture of the deceased. But compared to the previous cemetery fields, this is again an increase. This is not a manifestation of integration when compared with the form of ordinary tombstones in the surrounding cemetery fields. This detail further proves the importance of cemetery research for understanding the diversity of Islam in Vienna.

The inscription on the tombstone is an essential way of preserving the memory of the deceased. Therefore, choosing suitable means, such as font and language, is necessary. But in my opinion, it’s a mutual relationship. On the one hand, the inscription must be understandable to the reader. On the other hand, the choice of language and script tells of the cultural background of the tenants of the grave place. The basic information about the dead is mainly recorded in Latin lettering, and 17% of the monuments are supplemented by other diverse texts and exclamations in Arabic. Six percent of the tombstones contain Latin lettering, which calls for the prayer of the first sura of the Qur’an. Above all, they were the graves of Sunni Muslims originally from Turkey. Only two citations of the Qur’anic text in German are directly on the monument. An exception is the Basmala written in Latin lettering. Inscriptions referring to the survivors and their relationship to the deceased appear on seven tombstones. Only 8% of the stelae contain longer texts in German or Turkish. For example, these included a quote from Ali ibn Abi Talib, a poem by Jalāl ad-Dīn Mohammad Rūmī, a song by Terim Ketin, the beginning of a poem by Albert Schweitzer, and a long German quote on the work of the Persian painter Bahram Alivandi (Section 36, row 13, number 8). In other cases, these were mainly the graves of Alevis (Sörries 2015, 155–156) and Sunni Muslims originally from Turkey. An engraved crescent moon with a star or calligraphy appears on 17% of the monuments.

However, tombstones are not only supplemented with inscriptions and general Islamic symbols. Nine percent of the gravestones in section 36 are decorated with engraved roses, lilies, sunflowers, palm branches, or other plant decorations. Exceptions are the depiction of the Ka’aba (Petersen 1996, 142–143), a heart, a butterfly, grieving figures, or football players. The decoration of a few monuments includes metal roses or the sun. On the one hand, these are highly individual elements of the relationship between the deceased and his family. On the other hand, the frequency of such embellishments is stable compared to the previous sections.

The religious character of the decoration of the graves in section 36 was again innumerable. Nevertheless, there was some change in the decoration of the graves. According to the author’s judgment, only five graves have cultural and religious decorations. Again, these are large stone books with open pages and gilded inscriptions in Arabic script. An exception is calligraphy in the frame, either leaning against a monument with a religious concept or laid on a new grave. However, 66% of all graves in this section contain other types of decorations—a significantly higher number than in the older cemetery sections. Twenty-one percent of all monuments have been supplemented with lanterns and vases. In addition, secondary lanterns appear on 38% of all graves in the field. Every tenth one of them has an orientalizing shape, and all the others represent a typical commercial production. In addition, candles brought by visitors or differently shaped solar lanterns can be seen on every tenth grave. Thirty percent of the graves are decorated with artificial flowers. It is also possible to find angels of various sizes, objects in the shape of clasped hands with German inscriptions, hearts, or statues of a girl, a snail, a rabbit, and a frog. Also, there are pinwheels, hearts, beetles, butterflies, and a frog on wires embedded in floral decorations. Similarly, it is possible to see a teddy bear, a flower, an elk, or a mouse formed from sheet metal.

A specific category of adornment that reappears is memorabilia commonly available in shops, which take the shape of tiny hearts, books, or scrolls. Some graves are complemented by plant decoration combined with German inscriptions without reference to Islamic terminology. Some graves are decorated with Christmas motifs. One can also see temporary mourning bouquets and wreaths of plastic flowers. Typical souvenirs prevail over objects expressing an individualized relationship. Therefore, any relation to Islamic symbolics is usually absent.

The synchronous procedure the researcher uses offers a particular view of the form of secondary decoration of graves in individual sections. Except for the oldest area, 25, where secondary religious decoration does not appear, its presence ranges only between 3% and 4%. Therefore, the possible emphasis on the religious affiliation of the deceased belongs mainly in the primary decoration of tombstones with Islamic symbols (crescent with a star), calligraphy, shorter calls written in Latin lettering (call to prayer, Basmala), and longer texts in Arabic. The other secondary decorations range between 50% and 60%. Artificial flowers, plastic vases for cut flowers, and lanterns are complemented by more diverse decorations on graves in newer sections with a more varied ethnic spectrum (27b, 36). On the most recent graves, numerous pieces of evidence of the period of mourning following the burial have been recorded. Decorations are added occasionally on older graves.

The types of floral decoration in section 36 emphasize the higher number of new graves. Floral decoration of the tomb in the form of evergreen plants, which could also be interpreted in the light of the religious position of the deceased, is placed (similarly to the previous case) on 18% of the graves or in their immediate vicinity. Permanent decorations of brightly colored flowers can be seen on a third of the graves. Temporary decoration appears on 12% of graves, especially in cut flower bouquets. This is a more significant number in comparison to the previous areas. The appearance of the floral decoration is changing not only because of the years that have passed since the establishment of the permanent monument. For example, cut flowers appear much more significant in section 36, where burials did not begin until 2007. Elements associated with specific cultural interpretations of Islam also have an impact. Section 27a consists essentially of the graves of people of Arab descent. They retain the same proportion of evergreen plants as in the case of the oldest section, 25. Opposite this, there are twice as many colorful perennials as in the more ethnically diverse section 27b, which has been used for the same period. This interesting detail deserves more attention during further cultural or sociological research. The comparative approach makes it possible to determine the differences and similarities between the individual nationalities of the followers of Islam. Furthermore, the sections for Muslims can be compared with the surrounding cemetery fields of most of Austrian society.

Conclusion

Islam in Europe has been associated with public, media and primarily with extremist groups’ activities or migratory flows. To gain a more comprehensive idea of the everyday lives of the four generations of Muslims living in Austria, we must pay attention to other topics. One theme that strengthens the identity of the individual and the religious group is the funeral culture (Klapetek 2018, 41–46).

My research has shown that the sections for Muslims in the Central Cemetery in Vienna are gradually expanding spatially from its edge to the central parts. Thanks to this expansion, the gravestones are more visible to ordinary visitors. Aware of the growing visibility of their gravestones, Muslims, buried in the cemetery since the 1970s, have begun to consider their final monuments as important sites of religious expression. These monuments can be understood as an important source of information about the followers of Islam living in one of the major metropolises of Central Europe.

One style of tombstone predominates in the Muslim sections of the Central Cemetery. It is a highly standardized monument that one often finds in the catalogs of local stone carving companies. On average, about 25% of the tombstones emphasize the Muslim convictions of the deceased. Other aspects of the deceased’s identity, such as their national, cultural, or political affiliations, are not often emphasized. My research into gravestones suggests that, in death, Muslims in Vienna prefer to be remembered primarily as Muslims, not as immigrants, Austrians, political actors, or anything else. This is why special sections for Muslims are created in common cemeteries. The deceased are buried as part of a religiously defined group (Klapetek 2022a, 137–140). The grave becomes “a place of memory.” An individual’s life is part of the family’s migration history.

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Notes on contributors

Martin Klapetek

Martin Klapetek is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, the University of South Bohemia in České Budějovice, Czech Republic. His research interests include Islam in Europe, modern sacral architecture, and funeral culture. [email protected]