![Sample our Humanities journals, sign in here to start your FREE access for 14 days]({"type":"image" , "src" : "/sda/5939/TOC-Subject-Sample-2021-Humanities.jpg"})
ABSTRACT
Sikhs are a widely scattered community found both in India and far beyond. They have historically been a hardworking people who have sought out economic opportunity in a wide variety of places. In the state of Assam, there are Sikhs who had settled there for the past two centuries, exclusively in the villages of one district of Nagaon. They claim to be the progeny of Sikh soldiers sent there by Maharaja Ranjit Singh in support of the Ahom king. After they lost the battle and dispersed to the forested areas clearing the jungle and cultivating the land. While they have kept Sikh tradition in its entirety and believe fully in Guru Granth, they do not understand Punjabi. The Punjabi Sikhs, as later day migrants, have subjected them on these grounds and refer to them as ‘duplicates.’ This article will seek to present a full account, however, of their immersion into the culture of Assam and how they came to call themselves Axomiya, a distinct type of Sikhs from this state.
Acknowledgements
Acknowledgements are due to the National Commission for Minorities and the Punjabi University, Patiala, and to Manpreet Kaur for assistance.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
* This study is part of the project Socio-economic Conditions of the Dakhani Sikhs and Other Sikh Communities in the South and North-east India (2012–2013) sponsored by the National Commission for Minorities, New Delhi.
1 When Neil Armstrong had just put his first step on moon that was to be a giant leap for the (hu)mankind, a sardarji walked up to him and said: ‘Badshao kithey chaln’ai.’ Sir, where do you want to go? Bemused and deflated Armstrong asked him: ‘How come you are here? I thought I was the first one to land on the moon.’ He replied casually: ‘Bas ji Partition pichhon aithe’i aa gaye si.’ I settled here after the partition (1947). (Translation of Hindi and Punjabi quotes in the paper are by the author.)
2 Bhaumik writes: ‘Bongal Kheda (Drive Away Bengalis) as an organized campaign of ethnic cleansing originated in Assam but was not restricted to the state. In the early 1980s, it spread to Tripura and Meghalaya. In both states, ethnic tribespeople attacked Bengalis, … ’ (Bhaumik Citation2009, 138.) Banerjee quotes Hemchandra Barua describing Bangal as the inferior people of Bengal. Another source points out that Bangal stands for foreigners and Bangalar Din for the British days. British were also called Baga (white) Bangal. In Assamese literature Bangal was a term of contempt (Banerjee Citation2007, fn 52, 53). Dutta quotes Kanaksen Deka: ‘It was only with the advent of the British that the earlier term “Aham” (often used to refer to the Ahom kingdom) became Assam’ (Dutta Citation2012, 193). ‘From the time the British arrived, almost all the inhabitants of Assam came to be known as Assamese. In the list of communities, Deka now includes “Bongali, Rajasthani, Bihari, Sikh and Mymensinghia”’ (Dutta Citation2012, 193). Deka is quoted again: ‘In the post independence era, the idea found place in many minds that Assam was only for Assamese speakers and all non-Assamese were second class citizens’ (Dutta Citation2012, 193).
3 An authority on Punjab and Sikh history, Professor J. S. Grewal confirms these doubts following the rules of British paramountcy since it is a matter of foreign relations between Indian states to invite and send military support. It is not possible for any king to send his army through the British territory, and without their permission. Why should they permit? (Personal interview at Chandigarh, 26 May 2013)
4 In fact these were not traders but mechanics and carpenters brought by the British for infrastructural developments following the treaty of 1826. The trading community amongst Sikhs is of khatri heritage, and largely migrated before and after the partition in 1947, many of them refugees from Pakistan.
5 Most scholars identify the same periods and phases of migration and sets of migrants into Assam over the last 150 years. These are 1826–1905 and 1905–1947. The first phase included tea plantation labour, office employees, merchants and traders. The second phase comprised of Muslim agriculturists from East Bengal (Dutta Citation2012, 169).
6 The present study is based on fieldwork in Barkola, Chaparmukh, Nagaon and Lanka primarily where there is concentration of Axomiya Sikhs. The sample has 365 households, predominantly headed by males (93.42%). The first two are villages and remaining towns.
7 Subedar Ram Singh moved to Barkola in 1825 as indicated on the face of a gurdwara situated on land owned by his descendents.
8 The educated and employed seek to ally their children with those in Patna, Delhi or Punjab though very few, claim Jutt Sikh gotras like Bhullar, Sandhu, Gill etc. But this information is given only as the opinion of a sociologist.
9 Personal interview at Chaparmukh, 15 December 2012.
10 As part of the larger project, 365 Axomiya Sikh households were the subject of this research. Different villages and towns were included in the sample with a focus on Barkola and Chaparmukh, and Nagaon and Lanka, respectively.
11 This is a widespread practice, and is also true of the Punjab where members of low castes are addressed as paternal kin with respect to one’s father.
12 The question of identity here refers to the male Sikhs, as they only present their identity with distinct markers. Women in these communities are indistinguishable from their Axomiya counterparts. The amritdharis have a dress code, however however other Sikhs do not.
13 Others not noted by him are Jivan Singh, Izzat Singh, Gunanda Kaur, Manjit Singh and Dr. Charan Kaur etc.
14 28.76% of respondents’ mothers belong to Nagaon town, 27.94% to Barkola, 20.55% to Chaparmukh and 10.96% to Lanka.
15 To be specific, 35.04% belong to Nagaon, 20.12% to Barkola, 11.71% to Chaparmukh and 9.61% to Lanka. Only 2.74% of respondents belong to Guwahati and 18.08% of respondents hail from other places, the rest being from Assam.
16 Nagaon town 41.79%, 23.88% to Barkola, 5.97% to Chaparmukh.
17 Their perception of being amritdhari is based on having taken amrit once, which is mandatory at the time of marriage. Bhai Ji performing anand karaj makes an announcement to this effect, something which is now avoided in Punjab since hardly anyone observes it.
18 (a) The Sikh rehat prescribes that a Sikh must not keep one’s head uncovered even at home, regardless of gender. Axomiya Sikhs when at home wear gamochha to cover their heads, while the turban (pagadi) is a formal headgear. (b) Medhi in his study of Barkola village, mentions that there are 439 males, ‘only six elderly males regularly wear kuchha while others wear general underwears [sic]’ (Citation1989, 109). Thus, to avoid this ambiguity in responses and controversy on the subject of ‘underwear,’ it has been ignored. A senior Axomiya educated professional was critical of Medhi. He remarked, taken aback, saying how has he seen our under wears? ‘Bhayi tumne kaise dekha ki kuchha pehna hai?’ (Personal interview at Guwhati, 16 December 2012)
19 PTC television channel relays a daily live telecast of kirtan from Harmandar Sahib, Amritsar for about four hours in the morning and two hours in the evening, in addition to other religious programmes.
20 Najnin Islam too writes: ‘The Agraharis maintain a highly syncretic profile. Not only do they celebrate the major gurpurabs but also engage in idol worship. Chhat Puja, Janmasthami are some of the festivals they celebrate apart from worshipping goddess Laxmi, Ganesh and Kali (Islam Citation2012, 64). People of India mentions similar practices among the Dakhani Sikhs in Hyderabad Deccan:
The Deccani Sikhs visit both Hindu temples and Sikh Gurudwaras especially during Sivaratri. Sikh women observe a fast (upavas or okkapoddu) during the day and jagran during the night. They go in procession along with other Hindu women to perform Bonalu. … They do puja (prayer) to Devi, and put muggu (rangoli) before their homes, which is a typical Hindu culture. (Singh Citation2003a, 478).
21 For Jutt Sikh agriculturalists of Punjab, see Singh (Citation2010), Pettigrew (Citation1975) and Kaur (Citation1986).
22 Nayar writes:
As a result, some half-dozen ministers turned out to be of questionable integrity, with criminal cases facing them in the courts, and were thus regarded as ‘tainted.’ Their presence was testimony to the criminalization of politics, increasingly evident over the years with the entry into politics of strongmen with criminal records. (Nayar Citation2005, 77)
23 Of the five takhts, three are in Punjab and there is one in Patna and Nanded.
24 Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC), Amritsar sponsored a trip of 186 Axomiya Sikhs to Harmandar Sahib, Amritsar and other gurdwaras in Punjab in March 2008.
26 Personal interview with Pritam Singh at Nagaon on 15 June 2012.
27 Personal interview at Guwahati on 12 June 2012.
28 Personal interview as above.
29 Personal interview with the same activist again at Chaparmukh on 15 December 2012.
30 Personal interview as above.
31 ‘But the financially rich Punjabi-speaking Sikhs residing in the different urban centres of Assam who came to the region at a later period do not regard these Assamese-Sikhs as their social equals. They also do not hold a very high opinion about the cultural distinctiveness of the Assamese-Sikhs. A deep tension has long been going on between them regarding the question of Sikh identity in Assam’ (Banerjee Citation2007, fn 74, 65). A Punjabi girl married an Axomiya Sikh boy. She was forcibly retrieved and her father commented: ‘Aithe viah karan di bajai kise chuhreh naal nahin viah diyanga.’ I shall better give my daughter to a scheduled caste boy than to an Axomiya Sikh. Medhi narrated this incident that was confirmed by Nanda Singh among others.
32 Bhai Jasbir Singh shared this problem with me at Barkola on 14 June 2012 when I suggested that they to stick with Axomiya rather than adopt the Punjabi language.