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Abstract
In this paper, the transnational movement of discourses on both national symbols and belonging and the formation of identities in mediated discussions are examined. The empirical data for the article consist of internet forum conversations of Russian-speaking inhabitants of Finland concerning the dismantling of the Monument to the Fallen in World War II and other related media materials. To analyse the interrelations between mediated (televised) national discourse and internet-based conversations in a transnational context, the concepts fan democracy and activated public are implemented, which have been developed by studies in popular entertainment media. The starting point for the analysis is the intention to conceptualize mediascapes, ethnoscapes and technoscapes intersectionally and thus reciprocally constructed within new media. Based on the observations, it is concluded that Russian-speaking inhabitants of Finland are active media users and producers; they create a rich, multilayered transnational mediascape where Russian and Finnish media overlap, come into conflict and contextualize each other. Media text activates its readers to participate in passionate deliberations on the issues presented. Transnational media users engage in complex power relations with the ‘nationally’ defined (state-based) media. Intertextuality, active meaning creation with the help of the user's combined cultural and technological recourses, seems to be a powerful mechanism in the adoption of or resistance to the discourse set by national media.
Acknowledgements
The article was written as part of the research project ‘Ruptures and Continuity: Cross Cultural Perspectives on Belonging and Generations in Eastern Europe’, funded by the Academy of Finland. I would like to extend thanks to all of my colleagues for their thoughtful comments on the manuscript and assistance with the language of the text.
Notes
I consider the Russian-speaking minority in Finland (which consists of over 40,000 people) to be a transnational, ethnically and culturally heterogeneous group with a migrant background, who maintain its connections with its country of origin in many ways and who develop complicated, multilayered identities and conceptions of belonging (see Davydova & Heikkinen, Citation2004; Davydova, Citation2006).
Also called the Bronze Soldier, The Liberator Soldier, Alyosha.
See also Wikipedia Citation(2007) and Report of European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (Citation2006, pp. 19–20, 24).
Suomi means Finland.
This message was sent to the forum on 26 April at 21:25 hours. At the same time several other messages reported on the development of events on the basis of the following Russian television and news programmes. The channels mentioned were federal channels NTV, Vesti 24 and Rossiya.
Although I have lived in Finland since 1991 on account of my Finnish descent and have Finnish citizenship, in everyday encounters I am often considered as a Russian (Davydova, Citation2002). This is an important dimension of my positionality (Haraway, Citation1991) as a researcher of ethnic processes in a welfare society with relatively young multicultural politics (see Puuronen, Citation2004; Martikainen et al., Citation2006).
In 2006 there were 17 federal channels and over 1,000 other cable, satellite or network-based channels in the Russian Federation (Fossato, Citation2006, p. 23). Although the television spectrum is rather wide, three state-owned or controlled channels are the most popular ones. First channel, Rossiya and NTV cover the territory of the Russian Federation, and for the inhabitants of small cities and rural areas there is no other choice. Those living in large cities usually watch two to three more channels in addition to the three government channels (Vorontsova, Citation2007). Russians living abroad watch Russian television either by satellite (the most common is owned by the NTV company) or through cable. Lastly, in Finland one can watch a combination of the First and NTV channels made for international broadcasting and Euronews in Russian.
http://news.ntv.ru/108146/ News on NTV comes 10 times on work days and five times daily at the weekend. In addition, there is a summary news programme on Saturday nights, and some political talk-shows and ‘authorial programmes’ are shown during the week.
Which was not shown on central TV channels, but discussed extensively on the internet.
In the very popular recent movie of the same name such a team, marked with Soviet-time symbols, was fighting against mythological ‘forces of evil’. This action movie was advertised as ‘our response to Hollywood’.
According to the Report of European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (2005), 11% of the population of Estonia remains stateless, although 52% of them are born in Estonia. The procedure of naturalization is bound to a language examination and experienced as rather excluding. The special needs of the Russian-speaking citizens of Estonia are taken into the account poorly by authorities.
Despite a change of Putin's role after the inauguration of Dmitri Medvedev to the position of President, ‘Putin's plan’ has remained an important ideologem in the creation of the image of ‘stability’ of present Russia as opposed to the Yeltsin's period of rule.
‘The Russian Victory in WWII established a new world order which up to the present has insured the world against the hegemony of one country (whether it be Nazi Germany or the USA) and the repetition of a new world war.’ In this statement, USSR is equated to Russia and the result of World War II is interpreted in terms of official Russia's present-time attempt to resist a ‘one-poled world system’.
The names of the threads are: Baltic passions; About Ivanov; The people's boycott of Estonia; Are Russians going to defend the monument?; Our attitude toward the events in Estonia; Demonstration in front of the Estonian embassy; A new wave of hatred towards the Russians; Ironic cartoon on the theme of the day; Memorials to the regimes. International review; Do Russians want war? YEAH!; Democracy for the empty stomach; So in the actions of banditry pure Estonians took part? Russian TV: a danger to democratic Europe; NATO: Russian hackers didn't crack Estonian sites; Bow tie of Estonian president.
According to the inquiry made by distinguished Levada-centre in May 2007 (Levada, Citation2007), the most common reaction to the dismantling of the monument in Russia was indignation (41% of responses). Russia's position in the conflict was seen as high-minded (39%) and actions of ‘youth organizations’ as driven by sincere aggravation (45%).
Ingrian Finns is the name for the oldest group of Finnish population of Russia and the former USSR. Until the mass persecutions of 1930s they had lived mostly on the territory of historical Ingria, the present Leningrad oblast. During Stalin's purges tens of thousands of Finns were persecuted. During World War II over 30,000 Finns were deported from the Leningrad area to Siberia by the Soviet Government for their presumed alliance with the ‘fascist enemy nation’ (Finland). Over 60,000 Finns were evacuated in response by Finland and used there as labour force. Almost all of them returned to the USSR after the peace treaty, but were forbidden to return to their homes. Part of the Finnish population migrated to Soviet Karelia, another part to Soviet Estonia, some managed to return to the Leningrad oblast. Official rehabilitation of Finns occurred only in 1993. Since 1990 they have had the right to migrate to Finland as re-migrants. Here they are often considered as Russians for their poor Finnish language skills and mixed marriages. Now re-migrants from Russia comprise the majority of Russian-speaking minority in Finland (see Davydova & Heikkinen, Citation2004).
For example, the report about Tallinn events in the summary programme of Segodnya on 29 April was named ‘Dismantling of the friendship or execution of Bronze soldier’ (http://news.ntv.ru/108361).
It is interesting to note that the reference to a Russian speaker's party in Estonia is an obvious exaggeration. There is no such party in the country, and even if there was, a large part of the Russian population does not have the right to vote in Estonia's parliamentary elections because they do not have Estonian citizenship.
In this case the word Russian denotes citizens of the Russian Federation.
In Estonian–Toompea, part of the historical centre of Tallinn.
In the forum's discussions on ‘nationalities’ this division is typical, implying different models of integration, mono- or multicultural types of society.
Cited on the forum 2 May 2007, 16:20 hours, from the address http://rus.delfi.ee/projects/opinio...php?id=15747726
Research shows that representatives of the minorities do not feel that their images are created ‘on their own terms’ in the mainstream media (Jerman, Citation2004; Pietikäinen, Citation2006).