Abstract
Ethiopia has an ethnic federal system that is based on the assumption that the ethno-linguistic communities of the country are located in neatly defined, or definable, territorial areas. On the basis of this assumption the federal system aspires to accommodate the ethnic diversity of the Ethiopian people through, principally, if not exclusively, territorial schemes. This assumption is, however, incorrect as far as urban areas are concerned which, despite being territorially enclosed within one of the ethnic-based regions or sub-regional units, have thousands of multi-ethnic dwellers. The territorial scheme thus fails to cater to a large contingent of multiethnic urban dwellers.
Acknowledgements
The authors wish to express their gratitude to the Institute of Federalism, University Fribourg (Switzerland), Charles Stewart Mott Foundation and the National Research Foundation for their financial assistance.
Notes
1 The Constitution provides that the right to self-determination of each ethnic community finds expression in the ability of the community to exercise self-governance over the territory it inhabits (FDRE Constitution, Citation1995 Art 39 (3)). It further provides that the boundaries of the constituent units of the federation are demarcated ‘on the basis of the settlement patterns, language, identity and consent of the people’ (FDRE Constitution, Citation1995 Art 46 (2)).
2 The regional states are Afar, Amhara, Beinshangul-Gumuz, Gambella, Hareri, Oromia, Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ Region, Somali and Tigray. FDRE Constitution (Citation1995) 47 (1).
3 These regions are Afar, Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Region (SNNPR), Benishangul-Gumuz, Gambella and Amhara regions.
4 There are 63 ethnic communities that are territorially concentrated ethnic communities in Ethiopia. See Negarit Gazeta of the Ethiopian Transitional Government: A Proclamation to provide for the establishment of national regional self-governments (No. 7 1992).
5 The seat of the central throne moved from one region to the other depending on the regional ruler who asserted power. For instance, Gonder was the seat of the throne until power shifted to Showa when Emperor Menilik II ascended to the throne. What is remarkable is that the provincial ruler sought to control the centre; hardly ever did they seek to break away from it.
6 It should also be noted here that a resident of a city who is autochthonous to a particular region may be considered as a migrant and treated as such if he or she is non-autochthonous to the sub-regional unit within which the city is found. For instance, one can consider a Sidama resident of the town of Sodo, the capital of the Wolaita nationality zone, as migrant despite the fact that he or she is considered as an autochthonous resident of the region. The same can be said to a Wolayita who lives in Hosana, the capital of Hadiya nationality zone.
7 The constitutionality of the language requirement was at issue during the 2000 national and regional elections. Some candidates were disqualified from running for election since they did not speak any of the languages autochthonous communities the Benishangul-Gumuz regional states. The working language of the region was, however, Amaregna, which the individuals were conversant. The matter was taken to the House of Federation, the second chamber of the national parliament, which under the FDRE Constitution is empowered to resolve constitutional disputes (see FDRE Constitution (Citation1995) Art 62 (1)). The HoF decided that while the requirement of being conversant in local language is unconstitutional, the requirement of being conversant in working language of a regional states or sub-regional unit was constitutional.
8 Moreover, it is often alleged those with non-autochthonous ethnic background are discriminated against even if they have the necessary language proficiency, ‘simply because they belong to ethnic groups other than those predominant in the region’ or sub-regional unit (Teshome, Citation1999). They are discriminated against even in the cities that have not adopted local languages as their working language (Berhanu, 2007).
9 The Gambella Constitution, for instance, expressly provides that each of the ethnic communities of the region has the right to learn in their own language. Likewise, the Benishangul-Gumuz regional Constitution recognises the right of the ethnic communities of the region to receive education either in their own language or in the language of their choice. Gambela Regional State Constitution (2002) Art 6 (3); Benishangul-Gumuz Regional Constitution (2002) 6 (3).