The long journey home: viapolitics in the journey of migrant labourers during COVID-19 lockdown in India

Abstract

After the nationwide lockdown due to COVID-19 in 2020, India saw a mass departure of migrant labourers from urban to native rural areas on foot, by cycle or with available means of transportation due to unexpected unemployment and poverty. This paper attempts to analyse various instances of this incident from the documentary film 1232 KMs (2021) directed by Vinod Kapri. Analysing the film within the framework of viapolitics, this study looks at the mode of transportation used for migration, the routes, the geographical structure and possible challenges on migratory paths to analyse how they affect and influence the migrants and their migratory process. It focuses on the different experiences of migrants based on their mode of transportation as it generates different cultures of mobility and exposes the different affordances for governmental action like a nationwide shutdown. The study explores human struggles over boundaries, life, security, and death in such a migration, particularly considering the socio-economic conditions of the people involved. A viapolitical reading of migrant labourers’ displacement during lockdown thus becomes relevant in throwing light on how factors like vehicles, trajectories, geographical structure, etc., projected their politics during the pandemic.

Keywords:

• Viapolitics
• Lockdown
• Migrant Labours
• Vehicles
• Routes
• 1232 KMS

Background

India attempted to combat the severe threat posed by COVID-19 through a comprehensive nationwide lockdown spanning four phases over two months. This approach aimed to curb the spread of the virus and protect public health. The discussions surrounding this lockdown were extensive, with particular attention paid to its repercussions on various segments of the population. Of significant concern was the impact on the informal sector – a substantial component of India’s workforce, accounting for approximately 90% of the total.

The 2011 Census of India documented a staggering 450 million internal migrants joining the informal sector, constituting a remarkably high 37.7 percent of the country’s total population. A significant portion of these migrants belong to Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Other Backward Classes (OBCs), communities identified by the Government of India with historically faced entrenched social and educational disadvantages. This marginalization often translates into limited access to land ownership, quality education, and well-paying jobs in their home villages. Consequently, migration to urban centres becomes a compelling strategy for these communities to improve their economic prospects and social mobility. Extrapolating from census trends, it is estimated that there were about 600 million internal migrants in the country in 2020. Within this figure, one-third comprised interstate and inter-district migrants, totalling 200 million, and of these, approximately two-thirds were migrant workers, accounting for around 140 million (Gupta 2020). Most internal migrants in India engage in short-distance intra-district movements, making up nearly 62 per cent, and long-distance interstate migrants represented 12 per cent of the total internal migrants according to the 2011 Census. However, it’s crucial to acknowledge that this large-scale migration also raises concerns. SCs and OBCs may face further marginalization in cities due to pre-existing social biases and limited access to affordable housing and essential services. Owing to the inherent lack of education and lower economic condition, many of them are left with no choice but to take up various informal jobs such as ‘helpers, assistants, and packers, loaders, washers, cleaners, construction labour, and domestic workers’ among many (Deshingkar 2022). The informal sector offers no predetermined minimum wage or social security provisions. According to Murthy (2019), an estimated 92.4 per cent of workers in the economy operate in informal conditions, lacking written contracts and deprived of benefits such as paid leave. A majority of them earn lower wages than local workers, face discouragement from engaging in union activities, and encounter resistance when advocating for improved conditions (Srivastava and Sutradhar 2016).

Upon reaching the city, labourers who migrated from rural areas or different cities of India (hereafter migrant labourers) often find themselves in undignified and precarious working conditions. Most of them become part of the continually expanding informal or unorganized sector, which has also become a characteristic of the lowest echelons of the organized sector. A significant portion of this population is poverty-stricken or even in extreme poverty.

Absence of safeguards makes the migrant labourers in the informal sector particularly vulnerable to economic uncertainties and disruptions caused by events such as a nationwide lockdown. The national lockdown invited a lot of complaints regarding its sudden execution, which lacked adequate preparation including the immediate halt of public transportation. Deshingkar points out that, many stranded migrants couldn’t claim their rights during the first stage of COVID-19 lockdown because they were not registered under as per laws like the Inter-State Migrant Workmen Act 1979 or the Building and Other Construction Workers Act 1996. They had to depend on government dole and charity, which was infrequent and inadequate (2022).

As the lockdown and restrictions were extended by the government, the public transportation connecting cities and villages ceased to function leaving the daily wage earners trapped in jobless and famished situations in cities, with no way to travel back to their hometowns. Reliance on sporadic and insufficient government assistance and charitable aid became the only option for survival, which forced many migrant labourers to embark on arduous journeys from larger cities to their native villages on foot, by bicycle, or with available means of transportation. These journeys were driven by challenges related to food, shelter, loss of wages, fear of getting infected, and anxiety. Tragically, many migrants lost their lives due to hardships endured during the journey, including hunger, accidents, comorbidities, and instances of suicide (Bhagat 2012). Those who reached their native villages were seen as potential carriers of the infection and were ill-treated by the police and locals. Without public transport and facing restrictions on travel, these journeys became dangerous. Migrants were forced to find alternative ways to get around and travel on unfamiliar paths to reach their goals. Frequent police checks and the associated penalties for violating curfew orders loomed as significant challenges, influencing the migrants’ decision-making process in determining their route.

A viapolitical approach to deconstruct the mass exodus

Various studies have delved into the multifaceted impacts of COVID-19 on the lives of migrant labourers across different contexts and subject areas, exploring diverse dimensions of their issues. Notably, Rajan, Sivakumar, and Srinivasan (2020) shed light on internal migration patterns during this crisis, offering insights into the socio-economic dynamics driving population movements. In a different vein, Priya Deshingkar’s (2022) study examines the concept of structural violence and its role in normalizing human suffering amid labour migration during the COVID-19 pandemic in India. Additionally, Ipsita Sapra and Bibhu P. Nayak (2021) scrutinized the responses of state institutions, civil society, and the judiciary in addressing the migrant crisis in Hyderabad, emphasizing the need to assess the universal role of state responses across different crisis phases. Similarly, the study conducted by Twisha Singh and Anuradha Banerjee (2022) assesses the impact of COVID-19 on the mobility and livelihood of informal migrant workers in India. Drawing on case studies, media reports, and government data, their research highlights institutionalized inequalities and mounting vulnerabilities during the pandemic-induced exodus. This emphasizes the urgency to reconsider mobility and migration policies, particularly for the benefit of the most vulnerable, such as seasonal labourers. Other studies contribute to a comprehensive and empirical understanding of the complexities surrounding labourer migration and the challenges faced during the COVID era.

When analysing mass exoduses, researchers often prioritize studying the overall journey, its social impact analysis of migrant workers’ condition in India, social justice critique and policy analysis, among many¹. These approaches, while valuable, can sometimes overlook the nuances and complexities of such events like the routes they traverse, the vehicles they use, the technology that helps them navigate through various landscapes. The film under consideration is 1232 KMS (2021) directed by Vinod Kapri, which traces the challenging journey of a group of seven migrant labourers from Jyothiba Phule Nagar, Uttar Pradesh, to Saharsa, Bihar, using bicycles. This study goes beyond examining the economic, social, and political factors influencing migrants’ journeys. It delves deeper to explore the fears that hold them back, the powerful yearning for home that fuels their determination, and the sense of community that develops among themselves and even with strangers they meet along the way and how these emotions become crucial in analysing the viapolitics of the exodus. Such emotional registers amplify the migrant experience, adding greater depth to understanding of the crisis and offering a more nuanced and personal perspective on the COVID-19 migrant labour exodus. The migrants announced their decision to migrate via social media, so the documentary captures their actual journey and coping mechanisms to overcome challenges posed by national-level travel restrictions during the pandemic. The documentary follows migrant laborers on their journey, revealing their hopes and dreams of returning home, while also exposing the fears and hardships they face along the way. This approach complements existing research by providing insider perspectives thereby, the ‘black box of migration is opened up’ through the film (Lecadet and Walters 2022). Walter argues that vehicles and the route chosen are not entirely absent from migration and border studies, but these aspects ‘rarely feature as a central focus in theorization and investigation of migration worlds’ (2015a). Hence, approaching a documentary film from the lens of viapolitics shifts the focus of examining migration to the perspective of labourers and the means of transportation that were feasible to them.

The use of documentary film as a primary source of analysis provides two key advantages. Firstly, the genre affords a unique opportunity to observe the migrant workers’ journey as a silent witness, capturing the visceral reality of their experiences. Secondly, and perhaps most importantly, the camera subverts its conventional role as a tool of state surveillance. Instead, 1232 KMS transforms the lens into a powerful instrument that exposes governmental shortcomings. Hence it shows ‘what happens on the move’ (Cresswell and Merriman 2011). Due to the limited availability of comprehensive video documentation of the migrant workers’ journey, the film’s exhaustive—albeit constrained—focus becomes even more compelling. The filmmakers, in this sense, become attentive ‘to those of all the different vehicles that interact with them’ (Heller and Pezzani 2021), highlighting the multifaceted relationships between humans and modes of transport during displacements. As Priya Deshingkar argues, ‘the mobility approach does not underplay the importance of place but draws attention to the politics and power that shape mobility and immobility’ (Deshingkar 2022). This perspective highlights the role of vehicles, not seeing them simply as passive modes of transportation but, instead, emphasizing their role as arenas for power struggles and contested spaces. Here, individuals strive to overcome the challenges associated with unstable incomes and the difficulties related to their backward social status during challenges of pandemic. Walters contends that vehicles deserve heightened scrutiny, and through his works, he illustrates how different modes of transportation become entwined in broader struggles for power and justice (Walters 2015).

Recognising the vast diversity inherent in human mobility, scholars like Adey (2006) emphasize that people undertake distinct trajectories in their movement. In this study, the theoretical framework of ‘viapolitics’ is paramount, as it enables a nuanced analysis of the film, unravelling how the chosen modes of transportation and migratory paths undertaken by individuals serve as reflections of their lives and societal status. Coined by William Walters (2015), ‘viapolitics’ offers a crucial lens to fathom the political intricacies of the migration process from the liminal spaces in between. As discussed in Viapolitics: Borders, Migration, and the Power of Locomotion (2015) by Charles Heller, Lorenzo Pezzani, and William Walters, this framework encompasses three dimensions: the vehicles utilized for migration, the routes selected, and the geographical structure of migratory paths (2015, 6).

The theoretical framework of viapolitics is crucial for understanding the complex interplay between migrant workers’ identities, their sense of self, and their daily experiences during migration. This framework allows us to analyze the concrete details of portrayed in the documentary, shedding light on how the means of transportation, chosen routes, and the broader geography of migration collectively unveil the narratives of individuals and their societal contexts. For instance, in his article Migration, Vehicles, and Politics: Three Theses on Viapolitics (2015), William Walters explores the arrival of the Canadian ship MV Ocean Lady, which gained attention in October 2009 when it arrived off the coast of Victoria, BC, carrying 76 Sri Lankan refugees seeking asylum in Canada. The refugees were subsequently detained by Canadian forces. The following year, another ship named MV Sun Sea arrived with approximately 500 Sri Lankan migrants, drawing media focus on their alleged questionable identities, and motives. These incidents were associated with concerns of terrorism, human smuggling, and organized crime. Later, a photograph of former Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper and Citizenship and Immigration Minister Jason Kenney on the ship captured on 21 February 2011, was used as a political opportunity and played a significant role in shaping public opinion regarding the government’s actions. Researchers also find that illegal migration, particularly when involving vehicles such as ships, tends to generate controversy and media attention in countries like Australia and various European Union nations. Though illegal migration involves distinctive political and material character, the sense of despair and hopelessness the vehicle-related news contribute in examining other migrant experiences cannot be overlooked. The case of the Ocean Lady freighter serves as an example, as the controversy surrounding it was not incidental. The presence of these vehicles at borders also signifies the changing dynamics of migration. The sight of a drifting boat, as Walter argues, represents both the fear of unauthorized migration and the plight of individuals trapped and endangered. Vehicles, however, can represent more than just the physical means of migration. They can also be powerful symbols in various contexts (Walters, Heller, and Pezzani 2016). For migrants, vehicles can embody the hope of reaching a better life, a symbol of their determination to overcome hardship. Conversely, the very vehicles used for migration can also represent the injustice faced by migrants. Restricted access to transportation or dangerous journeys can highlight the challenges they endure. Vehicles can even become tools for protest and liberation. Migrants may use them to travel en masse, asserting their right to freedom of movement. This act of defiance challenges the power structures that seek to control mobility. This concept of viapolitics, where vehicles are central to understanding migration, has been adopted by other scholars. Teunissen (2018) used it to analyze mobility in Europe through the case study of FlixBus, a German coach operator. He concurs with Walters, Heller, and Pezzani (2016) that focusing on vehicles allows for a more theoretical and comprehensive understanding of human movement and the complex power dynamics at play (Teunissen 2018). Scholars have made sense of the centrality of transport in the movement of refugees at the boundaries of the EU through the theoretical framework of viapolitics (Bialasiewicz and Maessen 2018). Landscape, territory, and sovereignty look different when we see migration like a ship (Walters 2008) or cultural identity from the angle of a train (Presner 2007). By studying viapolitics of Indian migrant labourers’ journey, this study offers relevant insights in extending vapolitics from the inter-state (between one nation to another) dynamics of refugee movement to the intra-state complexities of migration within a country. A nuanced study of the interactions between transport infrastructure, borders, and governance frameworks within the intra-state movements sheds light on how these dynamics are shaped by landscapes, territories, and notions of sovereignty in domestic migration contexts. Apart from vehicles and routes, the role of communication in migration can be examined as a lens through which one can scrutinise the various and complex entanglements between migrants’ journey. Given the uncertain nature of their journey, they needed to navigate through remote routes and there were situations when they had to face constraints in accessing communication technologies. This study looks at how digital tools helped with communication and navigation during the journey, and how migrant workers obtained information when these tools malfunctioned or provided incorrect data, relying on the personal connections they formed along the way. By examining these specificities in detail, a more comprehensive understanding of the roads and routes and how it is navigated can be achieved. In light of the above-mentioned theoretical insights, this paper represents one of the initial attempts to apply the concept of viapolitics in Indian migration scholarship. It demonstrates how viapolitics offers a novel perspective for Indian socio-political and economic researchers exploring migration politics.

This article is structured into three distinct parts, with a focus on viapolitics in the film 1232 KMS. Then the exploration delves into the viapolitics of the bicycle, a primary mode of transportation employed by migrant workers during their journeys. Additionally, it examines how digital aids, technologies and interpersonal chains of information facilitated navigation through the challenges of their demanding journey. Through these analyses, the essay illuminates the significance of viapolitics in comprehending the intricacies of the exodus experienced by migrant workers during the societal lockdown. Beyond the political and material aspects of migration, the article draws on the insight that ‘vehicles, as well as roads and journeys for that matter, have a very special and distinctive place in the cultural imaginary of many societies’ (Walters, Heller, and Pezzani 2015). From the mythical journey of Odysseus to the fantastical journeys in Gulliver’s Travels (1726), a spectrum of diverse yet recurring manifestations of journeys unfolds across various forms of artistic expression such as fiction, films, poetry, religion, and songs. These accounts symbolize the themes of life, chance, change, and discovery, contributing to a comprehensive mythopoetic centred around the concept of the road (Lehari 2000). Furthermore, the article delves into the nuanced role of the vehicle in migration struggles, approaching it by considering the socio-political context of where it is utilized and by whom. The investigation extends beyond the mere physical motion on roads, exploring how vehicles and other aids that pave the way for journeys transcend from the realm of imagination to confront the practical challenges of travelling on roads, especially during a time with restrictions of movement. This dual perspective sheds light on their influence in mobilizing public sentiment for diverse political objectives (Walters, Heller, and Pezzani 2015). The article’s significance is its potential to contribute to the scholarship on mobility within the Indian context, offering a conceptual framework to understand the experiences of migrant labourers during the pandemic.

Viapolitics in 1232 KMS

Vinod Kapri’s documentary, 1232 KMS (2021), utilises its title as a stark reminder of the immense physical distance traversed by a group of migrant workers during the harsh realities of the COVID-19 lockdown. Rather than solely focusing on their individual narratives through interviews, Kapri chose to position the audience as fellow travellers. This can be seen by being with the migrant workers during their journey and Kapri can be seen sharing meals and spending moments of rest with them. The method of filming fostered a sense of shared experience between the migrant workers and the audience. The film evidently intent to go beyond documenting the journey as a news story, instead offering their experience during the journey. This approach aligns with the theoretical framework of viapolitics, which emphasizes the experiential dimension of migrant journeys ‘midway’ which further resonates with the theoretical framework of viapolitics, which centres on the lived experiences of migrants ‘midway’ through their journeys. The film, for example, captures the frustrations of an internal migrant who, while exercising their constitutional right to work and reside anywhere, faces neglect from authorities. These migrants navigate a complex landscape of inequalities and exclusions, further intensified by the very process of migration itself. As the film highlights, the directed assignment of migrants to specific jobs and locations creates multifaceted precarity, layering additional complexities onto their lives. Another traveller states that, the rich bring disease, and the poor have to suffer which underscores the power dynamics and injustices embedded within these migratory experiences (Nagaraj 2021).

It is crucial to acknowledge the vast disparity in the experiences of individuals who relocated during the lockdown. While the documentary presents fleeting glimpses, the contrast between the swift movement of electric vehicles and the laborious pace of those on bicycles underscores the fundamentally different realities. Those with access to private motor vehicles, likely privileged individuals, navigated the lockdown with a degree of comfort and ease unavailable to the migrant workers who undertook arduous journeys on foot or by bicycle, generating different experiences and cultures of mobility in addition to highlighting the socioeconomic inequalities exacerbated by the crisis. This also proves that these people also have different ‘affordances for political action’ as the power structure deployed to protect people from the virus was fragmented, decelerated people’s lives, and forced them to migrate by taking up different means of transport—like bicycles, boats, trucks, and walking long distances (Walters 2015).

Walters proposes that an in-depth examination of the roles played by means of transport and communication can offer insights into the dynamics of migration controversies, particularly for individuals originating from rural areas. In the seminal work Migration Infrastructure (2014) by Biao Xiang and Johan Lindquist, infrastructures are defined as the interconnected technologies, institutions, and actors that both facilitate and shape mobility. Several such infrastructural factors contribute as well as save the migrants laborers from the challenges.

To begin with, the rampant spread of the COVID-19 virus poses a significant threat, especially given the inadequate infrastructure like medical support, absence of sanitation and lack of access to healthy meals. The absence of these essential amenities in the cities where they work compels them to return to their home villages. Subsequently, as they began their journey, the film portrays the disruptive influence of governmental institutions like police on migrant journeys, compelling the migrant labours to explore alternative routes or embark on perilous paths. The imposition of curfews and the pervasive fear of police violence drive migrants to adopt unconventional transportation routes, effectively transforming their means of mobility into ‘mobile zones of governance and contestation’ (Walters 2015). Instances where migrants are expelled from public spaces and denied a place to rest by apprehensive shopkeepers, who fear infection, police intervention or both, highlight the complexity arising from the mode of transportation and the clandestine nature of their journey. This state of ‘contentious mobility’ experienced by laborers, constantly wary of the omnipresent virus and border-specific policing, renders their lives precarious both in stationary contexts, such as being expelled from parks or denied rest, and in motion, especially when traversing borders (Sodero and Scott 2016). The struggles faced by these individuals highlight not only the physical obstacles posed by the transportation means but also the social and institutional barriers encountered throughout their migratory journeys. As a result, their mobility becomes a complex negotiation between the omnipresent threat of the virus and border-specific state restrictions. This further makes the lives of migrants dangerous, both in their stasis (when they stay in one place without proper food) and when they move across borders.

The film highlights the migrants’ unwavering determination to reach their destination, even in the face of potential punishment. This resolve is evident in their use of unconventional modes of transportation to cover vast distances and their choice of non-traditional routes. Notably, a significant portion of their journeys unfolds during the night, capitalizing on cooler temperatures and reduced sunlight, enabling them to cover longer distances. Scenes portraying members fainting or being ousted from public spaces where they sought rest, as well as instances of sleeping in shops, highlight their determination to travel more extensively and move freely during the night. The film effectively captures a shift in perspective regarding the night for migrant laborers. It transforms from being perceived as unsafe and restrictive to being viewed as a liberating environment. The laborers find ‘greater tranquillity during the night when surveillance is minimal’ (James and Pillai 2023), showcasing their strategic response to minimize risks and challenges, emphasizing their resilience in navigating the complexities of their journey.

When the migrant labourers were asked the reason for choosing rural routes and not the highway, Ritesh Kumar Pandit, a migrant labourer featured in 1232 KMS, replied, ‘It is because the police patrol on the highway’ (Kapri 2021). If they saw them, they would be vandalized. These experiences, looked at from an angle of migration, encompass the human struggles over boundaries, life, security, death, etc. This stresses the fact that ‘migrants not only move but are also moved’ by political activities (Xiang and Lindquist 2014). As Kapri documents the labourers navigating narrow and deserted roads, the intricate dynamics of vehicular movement ‘illuminate very human struggles over borders and belongings, life and death, security and insecurity, here and there, and much else’ (Walters, Heller, and Pezzani 2015). The following chapter zooms into bicycles as their mode of transportation, exploring the politics embedded in their experience of cycling 1232 kilometres.

Viapolitics of bicycle

In the film, mobility is often political, as evident through who gets to move, how fast people get to move, what route is taken, how mobilities are represented, and whether mobility is chosen or forced (Cresswell 2010). This is particularly evident in the selection of bicycles as their mode of transportation. Initially linked to European mobility and authority, the bicycle reached a considerable indigenous population for various purposes—purchase, loans, work entitlements, or even theft. Bicycle’s popularity in colonized regions such as India and Vietnam was rather gradual in the initial phase where locals didn’t actively contribute to the creation and advancement of the modern safety bicycle as seen in Britain, France, and the United States but later gained adapted to local customs and underwent widespread cultural and political appropriation (Arnold and Dewald 2011, 972). Arnold and Dewald (2011) posit that bicycles have historically served the interests of both those opposing the state and those upholding its authority. Bicycles, while not enhancing the perceived power of police officers, could function as tools for those in opposition. When political meetings and gatherings take place in towns and villages, bicycles, alongside cars and buses were utilised to disseminate political messages, often with the aid of loudspeakers. Beyond mere physical mobility, bicycles played a crucial role in conflicts such as the Indochina wars during which bicycles gained renown as carriers for groups like the Việt Minh, the NLF, and the People’s Army (Chen 2002). They served not only as means of transport but actively participated in the conflict, contributing to the extension and support of thinly spread supply lines. Bicycles, with their inconspicuous presence on the streets, became tangible spots for concealing weapons, adding a layer of complexity to their role in historical and political contexts (Chen 2002). The use of bicycles in these diverse situations highlights their adaptability and multifaceted significance as tools of mobility, resistance, and even conflict participation.

Bicycles started becoming popular in India during the 1890s. By 1913–14, almost 35,000 bicycles were brought into the country each year. The quantity of imports varied annually, influenced by trade disruptions during the two world wars and the early 1930s depression. As bicycles became more widely available, employers started providing them to their workers. Even before 1914, various levels of government in India initiated programs to supply bicycles to their subordinate staff, including telegram delivery boys, postmen, and other workers who required commuting (Arnold and Dewald 2011). According to a report of the Police Administration in the Punjab, ‘almost anyone can ride a bicycle and aspires to possess one’ (1936). This became important as the bicycle became part of an Indian middle-class quest for a healthier image and a more self-reliant lifestyle. In Calcutta, where, as in Bombay, Indians were involved in cycling clubs as early as the 1890s, young, middle-class men, particularly students from high-status families, took to the bicycle, went on tours into the surrounding countryside, and competed in races (Arnold and Dewald 2011). Despite gaining instant and immense popularity in India, in terms of state power, the bicycle was ‘a vehicle of uncertain value’ (Arnold and Dewald 2011). Maintaining a police presence on horseback was deemed crucial for crowd control in urban areas, as individuals on bicycles were not taken seriously. Additionally, the inherent vulnerability associated with this mode of transportation created uncertainty about its feasibility. For example, during the Malabar Rebellion in 1921, those participating in the unrest opted for bicycles as a means of transportation, to carry weapon and to navigate through the turbulent places due to its unsuspicious, innocuous appearance and affordability (Hitchcock 1925a). Consequently, bicycles became more suitable for roles such as postmen and telegraph boys, where there was less risk to state security and public order (Arnold and Dewald 2011). Decades later, during the COVID-19 migrant exodus, cycle remained to be an only choice for economically backward section of society to take part is a precarious yet intrepid journey.

The easy availability of poorly functioning bicycles pushed the migrants to resort to them as the only affordable option of transportation. For instance, Krishna, the groundsman in the film says, ‘I arranged money from home, Rs 3500. With that money, I bought this bicycle. This is the only thing I could afford’ (Kapri 2021). Another person shared his story of obtaining a cycle for this journey; ‘the cycle is second hand. It belonged to my boss’s daughter. He sold it to me for Rs. 15,000’ (Kapri 2021). The use of bicycles as a mode of transportation for migrants becomes a symbolic reminder of past rebellions in India as mentioned above. It represents their resilience, determination, and the obstacles they overcome in the face of a nationwide lockdown. The journey itself becomes a powerful narrative that extends beyond the immediate disadvantages of the lockdown, resonating with broader social and political issues.

The migrants’ selection of transportation in the film reflects their social status and socioeconomic conditions. The film explicitly portrays the harsh treatment faced by those on foot or on bicycles, highlighting the disadvantage of their chosen modes of transport. The conditions for working-class individuals who rely on bicycles in India are not favourable. Bicycle riders face challenges such as rampant theft, with their complaints often ignored by police stations. Additionally, the limited road network and the dominance of fast-moving motorcycles and cars create an environment where they do not have enough patience to see a slow-moving vehicle like a bicycle moving ahead. Many of them keep pressing the horn until the bicycle moves away (Bagga 2017). It has ‘generally been used in India by people who cannot afford other forms of transport’ (Nagaraj 2021). As Joseph Nevins demonstrates, slower means of transport equal greater risks: slowing migrants down is an approach to governing migrant flows and shows the ‘uneven distribution of the speeds of life and death as they relate to mobility’ (Nevins 2017). Throughout their journey, the migrants encounter various challenges with their bicycles, requiring frequent stops due to mechanical issues. There were situations when they had to stop for repairs and when one of them fainted from exhaustion while cycling at night. On Brijghat Bridge, the police subjected the migrants on bicycles to physical abuse and prevented them from crossing. Ritesh expresses their demeaning treatment by stating that the police did not view them as humans. Unable to cross the bridge, they had to find an alternative route to cross the Ganges. They carefully assessed the strong current of the river, determined to avoid getting caught by the police. The migrants’ journey was marked by a constant negotiation of with other individuals who either offered support or rejected their requests for assistance. One night, the migrants sought refuge in a park to sleep, but their rest was disrupted when individuals with batons approached them. The lack of proper sleep and the presence of mosquitoes added to their difficulties. They faced challenges in finding shelter and food, as many shopkeepers were reluctant to assist out of fear of the police. The conspicuous absence of helpful kindness on the part of the people towards strangers is because the lockdown was a panopticon situation where any act of help offered to these migrants can either be illegal or fatal if they infected with the virus (Smith 1790).

On the other hand, the migrants’ journey also involved interactions with individuals who assisted them despite the restriction and fears. For instance, a truck driver gave them a ride knowing that he could get into trouble with the police, saving them a day’s worth of cycling. Despite the risks involved, the drivers chose to help the migrants, demonstrating a sense of solidarity and mutual assistance. They found kind people along the way, at roadside eateries who fed them despite the prevailing fear of getting infected. As Kapri mentioned, ‘the journey unravelled both the good and the bad’ in human beings (Mukherjee and Mukherjee 2021). Similarly, a boatmen came to their aid, advising them against risking their lives and helping them cross the river on their boats. When vehicles appear in these border and law enforcement ‘spectacles, they mix fears of the violation of borders and sovereignty by unauthorized migration and the horror of vulnerable people being contained and asphyxiated (De Genova 2013). The film emphasizes their collective reliance on each other, as they stick together and support one another throughout the journey. They distribute resources such as air pumps, tools, and possessions among themselves to balance the weight on their bicycles.

Digital aid: smartphones and migration

When discussing the collective knowledge of migrants while traversing unknown villages and towns, it’s crucial to examine various aids taken by them. The film shows a variety of knowledge source like those obtained from digital technologies by the migrant labours. For instance, Krishna, a migrant says, ‘I check location. I hold the handle with one hand and check the location with the other’ (Kapri 2021). They use Google Maps to know the remote routes to cross the state; hence, connectivity and mapping constitutes a major undertaking of border crossing. In terms of technological aids used by migrant labours in the film, Garelli and Tazzioli underscore the pivotal role of smartphones and mobile technology, particularly in facilitating what they term the ‘migrants’ knowledge chain’(Garelli and Tazzioli 2018).

Those technological tools, exemplified by the use of Google Maps, play a considerable role in aiding migrants throughout their journey, especially during exigent rules laid down as part of lockdown restrictions. Smartphone applications, encompassing online maps, messaging platforms, voicemail services, GPS functionalities, and navigation aids, emerge as indispensable instruments for migrant navigation. Beyond mere navigation, mobile applications enable communication with family members, assuaging concerns about their safety. This digitally mediated facilities significantly enabling migrants to negotiate border restrictions, access vital information and support, and stay abreast of potential obstacles.

However, the migrant labours in the film caution against overstating the role of digital technologies, emphasizing that these tools are not the sole source of knowledge aiding their journey. Indeed, connectivity issues and other technical faults can bring the facilities to a standstill. An illustrative incident from the documentary film involved a detour due to following an inaccurate online map, resulting in a four-hour delay. This incident further underscores the potential shortcomings and overdependence on digital navigation tools during the journey. In these situations, migrants often rely on word-of-mouth communication, exchanging information with fellow travellers or inhabitants of the areas they pass through, which allows them to gain more nuanced information. The migrants from the film shared that they ‘ask villagers to suggest a route where we won’t encounter the police. So, every villager is helping us and leads us to new routes’ (Kapri 2021). The interviews with villagers incorporated in the film highlights the restrictions imposed upon them by authorities, preventing them from openly aiding the migrant workers like them.

The inherent vulnerability of the bicycle, compared to more formidable modes of transportation, transforms it into a unique space. Villagers, recognizing this vulnerability, extend a lifeline, forging comradery even in the ‘least likely circumstances’ such as a national lockdown (Walters, Heller, and Pezzani 2015). The migrants’ reliance on the villagers’ protection and guidance along less-patrolled routes emphasizes the vital role of human solidarity and localised networks in complementing technological tools. It reflects the ‘disrupted chain of knowledge, among migrants, transmitted via digital platforms’ (Garelli and Tazzioli 2018). Consequently, the migrants’ knowledge chain is marked not by seamless information flow but rather by interruptions, disconnections, and fragmented information from multiple sources.

In the context of the migrant workers’ journey, the concept of viapolitics offers a deeper understanding of how means of transportation and communication mediate migration controversies and become sites of political struggles. From the lens of viapolitics, the film captures migrants’ journey, their vehicles, and routes of migration, which would be useful for a more nuanced understanding of how ‘routes and roads present themselves as fate before the migrants’ (Samaddar 2021). It recognizes that means of transport and communication are not just passive tools but mobile zones of governance and contestation, shaping migration experiences and power dynamics. The concept of viapolitics, as mentioned earlier, recognizes the significance of these infrastructures and means of transport in shaping migration processes. It acknowledges that struggles and knowledge-sharing occur not only within formal institutions but also among migrants themselves and with individuals they encounter along the way, such as local villagers, truck drivers, and boat drivers. This circulation of practical knowledge and the collective memory of the challenges faced during the journey contributes to the formation of migrants’ viapolitics. By focusing on the vehicles, routes, and roads, this perspective expands our understanding of migration politics and invites critical thinking about the complexities and dynamics involved in the movement of informal labourers in India during the lockdown.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the journey of migrants navigating unknown villages and towns unfolds as a complex tapestry woven with a dynamic interplay of technological reliance, human solidarity, and the transformative concept of viapolitics. The title 1232 KMS itself becomes a metaphor for the arduous journey these workers undertake, emphasizing the gravity of their situation and the pivotal roles played by factors such as distance, roads, and the chosen mode of transportation. Covering a vast span of 1232 kilometres, the film sheds light on the underlying issues that led to the significant journey of the labourers. The theoretical frameworks of migration infrastructure and viapolitics offer valuable insights into the dynamics of migration controversies, showcasing the interconnected technologies, institutions, and actors that facilitate and shape mobility.

Throughout the film, the choice of means of transport emerges as a central theme, with bicycles becoming symbolic spectacles with political resonance. The historical context of bicycles in India, their role in resistance movements, and their contemporary significance underscore the adaptability and multifaceted nature of this mode of transportation. The vulnerability associated with bicycles becomes a focal point, reflecting the broader vulnerabilities of the migrant labourers themselves. The study traces the challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic like inadequate wages, lack of provision for food and the absence of essential amenities in cities as the reasons forcing labourers to embark on arduous journey. The disruptions caused by police presence, curfews, and fear of violence transform their means of mobility into contested zones of governance. The exploration of digital aids and networking with local populace as featured in the film highlights yet another layer of migrant journey. It highlights the interconnected nature of the information network, where technology and human assistance both converge to shape their migration experience.

In the broader context of viapolitics, the film brings attention to the significance of infrastructures and means of transport in shaping their journey. The circulation of practical knowledge and collective memory among the migrants and those they encounter along the way contributes to the formation of viapolitics, challenging traditional notions of government assistance in migration. Examining the labourers’ modes of transportation and routes underscores the significance of physical spaces and logistics in shaping their experiences. The concept of viapolitics expands our understanding beyond formal institutions, acknowledging the importance of knowledge-sharing among migrants and with individuals encountered along the way. In essence, 1232 KMS transcends the boundaries of a documentary about a specific event, rather becoming a profound exploration of the complexities, struggles, and resilience inherent in the lives of migrant labourers. Through the lens of viapolitics and migration infrastructure, the film invites viewers to critically reflect on the power dynamics, inequalities, and adaptive responses that define the migration experiences of vulnerable individuals in the face of unprecedented challenges.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

No funding was received.

Notes

1 (Kumar et al. 2021; Kumar and Choudhury 2021).