Psychological responses to political hostility: a study on aggression, bullying, and well-being in Qatar

ABSTRACT

In 2017, the Gulf crisis led to a blockade that severely restricted Qatar’s air, land, and sea access. This political crisis had far-reaching consequences, particularly affecting cross-national families and children. This qualitative analysis explores the effects of the blockade’s political instability on individuals and families, specifically for Qatari citizens married to non-Qatari spouses and their cross-national children. Applying the General Aggression Model and Social Learning Theory, we interviewed 24 individuals residing in Qatar from nations directly affected by the crisis (Bahrain, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates). Two main themes emerged: first, the characteristics of aggressive and bullying behaviour, and second, the impacts on the well-being of cross-national families. The results showed that Qatari women and their children suffered disproportionately due to gender-based citizenship rights issues. The impacts on their well-being included heightened anxiety, depression, feelings of danger, uncertainty, and division within individuals, families, and communities. Recommendations include increasing collaborative efforts between governments, educational institutions, and community-based organizations, which are crucial to addressing aggressive and bullying behaviour across all age groups fostering a more harmonious and resilient society.

KEYWORDS:

• Aggression
• bullying
• political conflict
• community well-being
• national identity

Introduction

Political conflicts, like blockades, embargoes, and wars, trigger far-reaching societal effects, causing feelings of insecurity, fear, and declining community trust (Liu et al., 2019). Governments also face challenges, such as a drop in financial inclusion, greater economic instability, disrupted access to food, and increased safety issues (Alhassan & Asante, 2022; Gire, 2017; Sweidan, 2017; Veninga & Ihle, 2018). This pervasive reality confronts numerous countries worldwide. Extensive research has also demonstrated that such political crises often result in negative psychological impacts, including increased aggression tearing at the very fabric of society (Huesmann et al., 2017). These conflicts affect individuals’ health, economics, and well-being, resulting in violence, mental health issues, and poverty (World Health Organization, 2022).

The Middle East has been known for its tumultuous socio-political landscape, including ongoing wars in Israel, Palestine, Iraq, Libya, Yemen, and Syria. The consequences of these conflicts extend beyond immediate violence, undermining people’s sense of safety and trust, disrupting relationships, and causing significant suffering and avoidable losses in multiple countries (Hsiang et al., 2013). In response, people often cling to their various identities, ideologies, and activities to validate their power and sense of belonging (Khamis, 2000). This phenomenon is especially evident when conflicts involve national, ethnic, or sectarian divisions, which profoundly influence those individuals’ attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours (Kaldor & De Waal, 2020). For instance, living in a community experiencing political violence can lead individuals to believe that aggression is necessary for survival. Consequently, they may resort to aggression even when such behaviour is neither necessary nor justified. This underscores the lasting impact of political conflicts on individual and collective psyches, perpetuating a cycle of violence and hostility (Littman & Paluck, 2015).

Despite extensive research on political conflict, aggression, and bullying, there is still insufficient understanding of the effects of such crises specific to individuals and transnational families in the Gulf region. Guided by the General Aggression Model (GAM; Anderson & Bushman, 2002) and Social Learning Theory (SLT; Bandura & Walters, 1977), this study is among the first to address this gap by focusing on the 2017–2021 political blockade of Qatar.

Gulf crisis and the blockade on Qatar: overview of causes and consequences

Qatar’s location at the crossroads of Middle Eastern, Asian, and African trade routes has shaped a unique cultural identity known as Khaleeji, shared by the citizens of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states (Abdulla, 2016). This regional identity evolved from tribal roots to encompass national identities with the rise of nation-states (Abdulla, 2016). In addition, Qatar’s independent foreign policy and significant natural gas reserves have intensified tensions with neighbouring Gulf countries. Its wealth and influence from these reserves have made it a focal point in the region’s energy dynamics, increasing friction with neighbouring countries seeking control over resources (Albasoos et al., 2021).

Policy differences, like Qatar’s disapproval of the Saudi-led intervention in Yemen and its backing of the Muslim Brotherhood—a group designated as a terrorist organization by Saudi Arabia and the UAE—have created tension in relations (Katzman, 2018). Also, heavy reliance on hydrocarbon wealth exposes Qatar to global resource price fluctuations, potentially impacting its ability to fulfill civilian commitments and affecting governance dynamics (Al-Marri, 2020). While globally acknowledged for its high per capita income, Qatar faces challenges due to its small size and geopolitical complexities in the Middle East, compounded by rivalries with larger neighbours such as Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Turkey (Baabood, 2017).

In the past, Qatar’s disputes with Gulf neighbours have sometimes required international intervention. Notably, the International Court of Justice resolved a sovereignty dispute involving Qatar, Bahrain, and the Hawar Islands in 1992 (Khalifa & Khalifa, 2022). Qatar’s border disputes with Saudi Arabia in 1992 and 1994 also added to regional tensions (Wiegand, 2012). In June 2017, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt, and Bahrain imposed a blockade on Qatar, leading to significant economic, social, and political consequences. This crisis posed a significant challenge for Qatar, echoing its experiences since gaining independence in 1971 (Barakat et al., 2020).

The blockade was triggered by several events, including the hacking of the Qatari News Agency (MacDonald, 2021). This resulted in statements endorsing groups like Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran. Additionally, an Al Jazeera report exposed damaging emails involving the UAE ambassador (MacDonald, 2021). The Washington Post attributed the blockade to Qatar’s alleged support for terrorist organizations and its ties with Iran and Turkey (DeYoung & Nakashima, 2017). Consequently, the four nations severed diplomatic relations and cut off Qatar’s sea, land, and airspace access.

Ahead of the blockade, all four countries collectively presented a list of demands. The ultimatum stipulated that Qatar had ten days to comply with these demands, which included closing down Al Jazeera, reducing connections with Iran, and terminating military collaboration with Turkey. Citing concerns over national security and sovereignty, Qatar declined these demands. As a result, the blockade led to closures of borders and disruptions in sea, land, and air traffic, profoundly impacting Qatar’s economy and citizens. Immediate repercussions encompassed consumer goods and services, real estate, and transportation challenges (Kapar & Buigut, 2020). Qatar’s banking industry was affected, with foreign financial institutions providing Qatari banks over US $30 billion during the initial six-month period (Wheatley, 2018).

The impact of political conflict: aggression and social consequences

The impact of political aggression includes lasting effects, such as anxiety, depression, and social isolation (Kallman et al., 2021; Strohacker et al., 2021), disrupting individuals’ well-being and certainty (Liu et al., 2019). This impact extends to the fraying of the social fabric, eroding trust, fostering alienation, and disrupting economic and social relations, leading to a breakdown of social norms and values often causing extreme distress (Atran, 2021). Long-term effects encompass heightened anxiety, depression, PTSD, social isolation, and interpersonal difficulties (Kallman et al., 2021; Strohacker et al., 2021; Viduani et al., 2021). Political instability also impacts government and service delivery. One significant outcome is the negative effect on financial inclusion, particularly in unstable regions, limiting economic security and autonomy (Alhassan & Asante, 2022). Political instability in the Middle East and North African region has caused persistent economic insecurity (Sweidan, 2017) and disrupted the availability of food staples, as seen in post-Arab Spring Egypt (Gire, 2017; Veninga & Ihle, 2018) and in the current Israeli Military war on the Gaza strip.

Cross-national marriage and its implications in the context of the blockade on Qatar

Cross-national marriage refers to individuals from different countries getting married, often leading to one relocating (Riley & Brunson, 2018). These unions, increasingly prevalent in the Middle East and Gulf region, including Qatar, present challenges in citizenship and residency rights, potentially affecting national identity (Abu-Ras et al., 2022). A study by the Doha International Family Institute (DIFI, 2018) found these marriages to be more unstable, leading to higher divorce rates and impacting Qatari women’s ability to transmit nationality to their children. Another study (Zayas & Heffron, 2016) suggests that cross-national marriages in Qatar are less stable and lead to greater psychological distress due to the implementation of gendered citizenship.

Even before the blockade, the Qatari government, responding to cross-national marriages, sought to regulate family life. The blockade in Qatar contributed to a decline in cross-national marriages among Qatari women, marked by fewer marriages and higher divorce rates (Planning and Statistics Authority, 2021). Notably, in Qatar, the citizenship law exclusively allows male citizens to confer citizenship on spouses and offspring, excluding this privilege for female citizens.

Obtaining citizenship in Qatar is highly challenging, ranking among the world’s eight most difficult countries for this process (Ben Hassen, 2021). Possible factors include government policies favouring Qatari-Qatari marriages or direct government involvement in family matters. For example, Law 38, Article 2, enacted in 2005, mandates foreign residents to wait a minimum of 25 years before becoming eligible for citizenship (Oldfield et al., 2019). Gendered citizenship, governed by state law, particularly disadvantages women by denying them full citizenship status, hindering access to essential resources for their well-being (Abu-Ras et al., 2022). This denial affects rights across legal, social, political, economic, cultural, and intellectual domains, influencing people’s access to rights and shaping their sense of belonging, self-worth, and national identity.

Theoretical framework

This study is grounded in Bandura’s Social Learning Theory (SLT; Bandura & Walters, 1977) and the General Aggression Model (GAM; Anderson & Bushman, 2002). These theories elucidate the role of the social environment in stimulating aggressive behaviour. Both perspectives encompass social, cognitive, personality, developmental, and biological elements.

According to SLT, aggressive behaviour is acquired through observation and reinforcement (Joseph, 2021). Similarly, the GAM model outlines how personal, situational, biological, and environmental factors mould aggressive knowledge structures and impact one’s personality due to knowledge structure shifts.

These frameworks offer valuable insights into the behavioural outcomes of political conflict resulting from the blockade imposed on Qatar, illuminating the complex factors contributing to heightened aggression in the Gulf region. They provide explanations for the outcomes of political crises, such as the Gulf crisis, where the blockade increased exposure to aggression through social media, potentially leading to increased arousal and hostility. This, in turn, elevated the likelihood of aggressive behaviour towards nations responsible for the blockade. The blockade likely generated distal aggression effects, including elevated stress and frustration, amplifying the likelihood of aggression.

The GAM offers a comprehensive framework for understanding human aggression, expanding SLT by integrating cognitive and situational components into the comprehension of aggressive behaviour. Both theories acknowledge the impact of situational factors, such as bystander presence, social norms, and environmental expectations, on aggressive behaviour. For instance, environments that condone or encourage bullying may escalate such conduct. These frameworks help in understanding how the Qatar blockade and its aftermath might have influenced individuals and families, potentially fostering aggression through bullying and increased violence within peer groups, workplaces, and communities.

Embedded in individual and situational factors, the GAM highlights that aggressive behaviour arises from historical tensions, pre-existing beliefs, and influential endorsements (DeWall et al., 2011). Offering a framework based on modelling, reinforcement, and cognitive distortions, the GAM suggests that the blockade may have served as a situational trigger, fostering a perceived threat that activated aggressive responses among the blockading nations to assert dominance over Qatar. Following these frameworks, we suggest that the psychological and behavioural effects on individuals exposed to political conflict resemble those experiencing bullying in various contexts, such as in one’s family, educational spaces, community, and media.

The blockade’s triggers intertwine with a historical backdrop of unresolved conflicts (Zafirov, 2017), nurturing deep-rooted animosity and distrust among the involved nations. Policies sanctioning aggression through the blockade exacerbate divisions among regional factions, potentially intensifying “us versus them” sentiments and perpetuating the cycle of conflict. Drawing on the GAM model, we posit that situational aggression stemming from the blockade significantly disrupts day-to-day processes, impairing mental, financial, and physical well-being, particularly among children. This disruption may escalate conflicts within and between families, as heightened stress and frustration amplify aggression directed at family members. The model also underscores the influence of power disparities and the reinforcement of aggression through peer approval, providing a comprehensive framework for understanding these behaviours. While the GAM does not predict exact outcomes, its insights into the factors shaping aggression and conflict contribute valuable perspectives to situations like the Qatar blockade.

Methodology

This qualitative study is part of a larger mixed-methods research project. We included one question in the original online survey conducted in 2020, which sought volunteers to participate in individual interviews. Ten participants were recruited from the contacts list obtained from the project’s quantitative survey. Due to the topic’s political and psychological sensitivity, we recruited 14 more participants via snowball sampling. Participants were included if they were (a) a Qatari citizen married or separated from a spouse from one of the blockading countries, (b) current residents of Qatar, (c) 18 years or older, and (d) have children. All participants were contacted again by phone, WhatsApp, or email and informed twice about the study: before scheduling the interview and at the beginning of the interview. Participants read and signed a consent form that described the study’s purpose, potential benefits, risks, and confidentiality concerns. All but one participant provided consent to record their interviews. The unrecorded interview was conducted by two members of the research team, who took detailed notes and compared them to obtain more accurate quotes. Two professionals transcribed and translated all recorded interviews into English. All interviews except three took place at the participants’ workplaces. Interviews were conducted by the principal investigator and one member of the research team in Arabic, lasting between 60 and 120 minutes. We ensured the accuracy of all translated interviews by having them reviewed by three members of our research team who are fluent in and familiar with the local dialect. In cases where confusion arose during translation, we took necessary measures by sending the entire interview to additional translators to ensure the highest level of accuracy. This study received IRB approval from the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies (DI-IRB-2018-F10).

Participants characteristics

Twenty-four participants (10 men and 14 women) participated in the study. The participants were married to spouses from Qatar or the blockading countries. The majority (n = 14) were Qataris, while four were Bahrainis, three were Emiratis, and two were Saudis. They ranged in age from 30 to 54 (M = 37.7) and had between one and six children (M = 3). In addition to holding full-time jobs, 19 participants had earned a bachelor’s or a graduate degree. For more details, see Table 1. Participants were categorized into four groups based on gender and nationality/citizenship. Qatari males and females were labelled “QMP-#” and “QFP-#,” while non-Qatari counterparts were “NQMP-#” and “NQFP-#.” This approach ensures precise and consistent participant identification for subsequent analysis.

Table 1. Demographic variables.

Demographic Variable	N = 24	%
Gender:
Male	10	41.7
Female	14	58.3
Age
30–35	7	29.2
36–40	7	29.2
41–45	5	20.8
46–50	2	8.3
50+	3	12.5
Education
Secondary	4	16.7
Undergraduate	15	62.5
Graduate +	5	20.8
Marital Status
Married	16	66.7
Divorced/Separated	8	33.3
Occupation
Private Business	2	8.3
Professional	19	79.2
Unemployed	3	12.5
Nationality
Qatari	14 (9 female and 5 male)	58.3
Bahraini	4 (3 female and 1 male)	16.6
Saudi Arabian	2 (1 female and 1 male)	8.3
Emirati	3 (1 female and 2 male)	12.5
Number of Children
1–2	12	50.0
3–4	7	29.2
5–6	5	20.8

Materials and methods

The study applied a semi-structured interview protocol to collect data from the 24 participants through predetermined questions that were asked similarly to each participant. The open-ended questions allowed participants to share their experiences and perspectives using their voices. Questions were: (1) What were some of your experiences due to the blockade? (2) What challenges did you face due to the blockade? (3) How did the blockade impact your life and the lives of your spouse’s and children’s behavior? (4) How did the blockade impact your spouse’s and children’s mental health? Moreover, (6) How did the blockade impact your spouse’s and children’s relationships with others?

Data analysis

Given this study’s exploratory nature, we utilized Inductive Thematic and Content Analysis (ITCA). This method is used to identify patterns or themes without relying on pre-existing categories. It involves closely examining the data, identifying recurring ideas or topics that naturally emerge, and grouping them together to create meaningful themes (Curbin & Strauss, 2014).

Using the ITCA, codes were developed directly from the dataset’s content (Vears & Gillam, 2022). These codes were refined through successive rounds of coding. Each transcript underwent comparisons, grouping, and subdividing of codes to form content categories and subcategories. All categories were developed to represent broad concepts or ideas, ensuring comprehensive coverage. This iterative process guards against overlooking new codes, allowing for the emergence of new aspects throughout the analysis. This approach is particularly suitable for exploratory research where the aim is to understand complex phenomena in depth.

Using this data analysis method, we followed six steps: To begin, three of the research team members reviewed transcripts, recordings, and translations to understand the content and context of each interview. Then, notes were generated and a preliminary codebook was created. Second, the same team (individually) identified essential segments in the data and assigned them short labels as descriptive codes, using content coding to find patterns and recurring concepts across the dataset. Third, the team grouped related codes to identify preliminary themes and discover patterns within the data without defining or naming themes. Fourth, after a thorough review and assessment of the coded data, the team was able to refine potential themes to capture the essence of each one. During this phase, there was the opportunity to revise the previous coding by merging or splitting codes to create a coherent set. Then, step five established themes by creating straightforward definitions for each theme identified, using expressive and descriptive labels to capture the fundamental essence of each theme. Finally, the team prepared a comprehensive memo using a cohesive narrative, incorporating themes and supporting analysis with relevant examples from the data. After the write-up was completed, two co-authors joined the team. They reviewed all narratives the three team members provided, examining the meaning and relevance of each thematic issue.

Following Morse’s (2008) guidance, all categories were collections of similar data, coded and organized into cohesive clusters. As Table 2 shows two overarching themes emerged: first, the characteristics of aggressive and bullying behaviour (verbal, physical, cyber), and second, the impacts on the well-being (e.g., social Blockade impacts on well-being were assessed using gender, marital status, nationality, citizenship, and having school-aged children. The first and second authors documented these themes, while a third research assistant reviewed the initial coding. Regular discussions among all three members were held to help address potential researcher bias. Additionally, two non-Arabic speaker researchers, who were not part of the coding process, contributed to the write-up of the study, providing valuable contributions and clarifications.

Table 2. Brief examples of coding scheme.

Code	Description	Overarching Theme	Subtheme	Quotation Example
1	Aggression and bullying from peers and family	Type/place of aggression/bullying	1.1 Bullying in school	“Whenever someone knows that she (my daughter) is Saudi, she gets bullied (…). Her classmates start hinting (whispering) at her. It happened once that a girl pulled her hair and hit her.” QFP-1
				“You are Egyptian. Why are you staying in our country? Get out…” QFP-4
				“My children are rejected more day after day by their peers. At the beginning of the blockade, I did not hear nasty comments, but now I hear a lot of negative comments. They (her colleagues) say it as a joke. ‘Oh, Bahrainis? What do they want? What are they doing here? Let them consume the goodies of Doha.’ Simple words, indeed, but (words) have negatively affected me.” QFP-2
			1.2 Bullying in family gatherings	“When I am at a family gathering, they talk about the crisis (blockade) and direct words to me as if I am the Minister of Qatar Foreign Affairs (laughs). They say, ‘That is Qatar … that is Qatar.’ I listen to them, saying, ‘I know nothing about Qatar.’ They say, ‘No, you do. Don’t you know that they are preparing for something?’ I tell them, ‘I hope everything will be okay soon,’ and then I keep silent. I cannot say anything because they are my family. I do not want to lose my family relationships. I am never ready to get into a political debate that might risk my family relationship.” NQMP-2
				“We were visiting there (in Bahrain), and my little son, who is nine years old, received some comments from his father’s family. They exchanged comments like, ‘You are so-and-so,’ ‘You blockaded us,’ and ‘You are wrong.’” QFP-3
			1.3 Bullying through social media	“I’m part of the family group (WhatsApp)…. brother and sister. My brother sometimes bullies me by hurling abusive words at me. This behaviour makes me upset. My brother is a high school student. Since I know how easily WhatsApp groups can brainwash young people like him, I kept silent. But I find these (abusive words) upsetting.” NQMP-2
2	Impact of bullying on mental health and well-being	Effects and Impact	2.1 Effects on self-worth and self-harm	“She (name of the daughter) faced many situations and suffered from stress and depression. I mean, she developed a psychological problem. She started thinking about punishing herself, so she cut herself with blades. She did not miss her arteries; she only wounded herself to feel relieved from that pain (of bullying).” QFP-1
				“Some people respect us, but others throw insults as if we mean nothing to them. Sometimes, Qataris insulted Emiratis (and) spoke negatively of them in my presence, without respecting me as an Emirati national. This upsets me because I feel disrespected. Some people appreciate my company, but others say I don’t exist.” NQMP-2
			2.2 Loss of pride and national identity	“After the bullying incident, I felt he (my son) was not proud of being Egyptian. He used to be proud before, but later, he didn’t like it anymore. Even the way he spoke, I felt that he loved to speak with Qatari (dialect) and wanted to mingle with Qatari people (…) I think he denied his Egyptian identity and avoided talking to someone with the Egyptian dialect.” QFP-5
				“My younger son, for example, asked me, ‘Why don’t I become a Qatari?’ and I asked, ‘Why do you want to become a Qatari? What is wrong with being Bahraini?’ He said, no, because they (Bahrainis) are from the blockading countries. I do not want to be from the blockading countries because, in school, they (classmates) say, ‘You are from the blockading countries.’” QFP-3
			2.3 Social exclusion and isolation	“I was a spontaneous person. However, with this crisis, everyone has become suspicious. Communication with many people stopped. Even here in Qatar, I used to attend so many seminars. I have stopped such activities (laughs).” NQMP-24
				“Society pays more attention to any mistakes made by Emirati residents because of the current situation. I fear going out; I only go to work and back home. I don’t meet or call anyone. I know (doing so) will trigger a different reaction. I fear everything.” NQMP-23

Research team

The interviews were conducted by a diverse team of three members, each possessing unique backgrounds and expertise. The interview team has proficiency in Arabic, relevant educational qualifications, and a grasp of the Gulf region’s political and socio-cultural dimensions. The first author (principal investigator) is well-versed in qualitative research, Arab nations, and refugee work and provided practical training and guidance to the interview team members. A second member (co-author) from Syria contributed insights into political conflicts. The third member, from Qatar, facilitated participant recruitment and language interpretation. The interview team’s diversity proved invaluable, facilitating comprehensive data collection on the blockade’s effects on non-Qatari family members. All research members, except the second and fourth authors, were well-acquainted with the political and socio-cultural context surrounding the blockade.

As a research team, we have maintained transparency in our methodology, ensuring detailed descriptions of our research process. Additionally, the team engaged in reflexivity throughout the study, acknowledging and documenting cultural biases and perspectives. Rigorous peer review, interdisciplinary collaboration within the research team, and triangulation of data sources have further bolstered the credibility and validity of the study’s interpretations. These measures collectively assist in mitigating the potential influence of individual cultural biases, thereby enhancing the integrity of our research findings.

In accordance with best practices in research ethics, this study carefully addressed various ethical considerations throughout the research process. To safeguard participant anonymity, special codes were assigned to all individuals mentioned in the study, and any identifying information was removed from transcripts. Additionally, measures were implemented to mitigate potential risks to participants. Often, we stopped the interview to provide space for reflection; participants were offered to end the interview if distress or discomfort was felt, yet all requested to resume. A list of counselling services was attached to the consent form. No conflicts of interest were identified. Our commitment to upholding ethical standards underscores the integrity and trustworthiness of our research methodology.

Findings

This study highlights two main themes: the characteristics of aggressive and bullying behaviour in different contexts and settings and the effects of such behaviour on cross-national families. These themes were found to be relevant across various settings.

Characteristics of aggressive and bullying behavior in different contexts and settings

Aggression and bullying from peers and family

Participants shared their and their children’s experiences of aggressive and bullying behaviour in various settings such as schools, workplaces, family gatherings, and social media platforms. These narratives show insight into the complex nature of these behaviours and the unique challenges and dynamics within each context. For example, a Qatari female participant (QFP-1) described her daughter’s bullying experience at school based on her father’s foreign nationality: “Whenever someone knows that she (my daughter) is Saudi, she gets bullied (…). Her classmates start hinting (whispering) at her. It happened once that a girl pulled her hair and hit her.” Another Qatari female participant (QFP-4) reported that a classmate bullied her son for being (half) Egyptian: “You are Egyptian. Why are you staying in our country? Get out … ”

Three non-Qatari participants indicated that compounded bullying and aggression made them feel blamed for the blockade. Here, a non-Qatari male participant reported being subjected to harsh words when visiting his family in Bahrain:

When I am at a family gathering, they talk about the crisis (blockade) and direct words to me as if I am the Minister of Qatar Foreign Affairs (laughs). They say, “That is Qatar … that is Qatar.” I listen to them, saying, “I know nothing about Qatar.” They say, “No, you do. Don’t you know that they are preparing for something?” I tell them, “I hope everything will be okay soon,” and then I keep silent. I cannot say anything because they are my family. I do not want to lose my family relationships. I am never ready to get into a political debate that might risk my family relationship. (NQMP-2)

This participant also talked about sibling bullying experience through WhatsApp messages for working in Qatar after the blockade:

I’m part of the family group (WhatsApp)…. brother and sister. My brother sometimes bullies me by hurling abusive words at me. This behavior makes me upset. My brother is a high school student. Since I know how easily WhatsApp groups can brainwash young people like him, I kept silent. But I find these (abusive words) upsetting. (NQMP-2)

Additionally, a Qatari female participant reported that her Bahraini cousins bullied her son during a family gathering: “We were visiting there (in Bahrain), and my little son, who is nine years old, received some comments from his father’s family. They exchanged comments like, ‘You are so-and-so,’ ‘You blockaded us,’ and ‘You are wrong’” (QFP-3). The same participant elaborated on how the aggressive school environment negatively impacted her son, who began exhibiting signs of aggression and trauma.

My son got badly affected just because he listened to these stories (at school), and now (he became aggressive) keeps shouting and screaming. Neither his dad nor I can read his mind or know his real feelings, but as soon as I speak to him or ask him any usual questions, he responds as if I were talking about this crisis. (QFP-3)

One Qatari female participant described her and her children’s experiences with bullying and aggression, focusing on how the hostile social environment impacted her son.

My children are rejected more day after day by their peers. At the beginning of the blockade, I did not hear nasty comments, but now I hear a lot of negative comments. They (her colleagues) say it as a joke. “Oh, Bahrainis? What do they want? What are they doing here? Let them consume the goodies of Doha.” Simple words, indeed, but (words) have negatively affected me. My children do not understand these comments now, but I am the one who is concerned. (QFP-2)

Aggression and bullying by authority figures

Aggression and bullying can occur in various settings, including schools, workplaces, and homes. Female Qatari participants overwhelmingly reported that school-aged children are especially vulnerable to these behaviours. A non-Qatari female participant shared a story about her Saudi friend’s daughter and school teacher:

Her daughter came (home) from school crying because her teacher insulted the Saudis, describing them as bad people. The daughter felt rejected, and her mother went to the school and discussed it with the principal and teacher. It turned out to be a moment of agitation when the teacher lost control of her emotions, but the effect of that was evil. The educational system should address how this may affect students’ feelings. (NQFP-19)

Another participant reported that disrespect and bullying towards adults were prevalent in the workplace. Four Qatari women participants reported how their husbands faced mistreatment from colleagues and superiors. A Qatari female participant married to a Bahraini man reported:

When the blockade began, the harassment started. Some did not accept that a Bahraini could supervise Qataris and foreigners. “No, no, no,” they said, “He should be demoted from a manager to a regular employee.” We accepted the matter (demotion), and he has become a regular employee. Then they said, “No, not only a regular employee but also he must work the night shifts.” The harassment started again from calling for work at night shifts to many harassing words. Thus, after much hassle, they said to him, “Submit your resignation. You are a Bahraini, and your place is not here. Go and look for another job”. (QFP-7)

A non-Qatari male participant, whose mother is Qatari and his father is Emirati, described feeling “trapped” between his two national identities. He reported:

I was born and lived in Qatar. I don’t have citizenship because my mother is a Qatari citizen married to an Emirati. Often, an officer comes to arrest me for some complaints against me. The frequent arrests damaged my reputation at the workplace, as I had to take a day off when I received a subpoena. Although I have done nothing wrong … Okay, but who would defend me? No one! These (frequent arrests) made me clash with co-workers and imposed more barriers to securing employment. (NQMP-1)

Aggression and bullying occurred outside Qatar when non-Qatari participants visited their home countries, particularly at the airport. A non-Qatari female participant reported an incident where she had a negative encounter with an official at the airport.

I went to Saudi Arabia. They put (a) hold on my belongings and luggage at the airport. I was questioned: From where did you come? Why have you been there? Why do you live there?’ In October, I traveled again to Saudi Arabia. I had to undergo the same thing on my way back to Qatar. The officers at the airport in Saudi Arabia were just as full of hatred and hostility. I showed them my marriage certificate and told them my husband and children were there (in Qatar). (NQFP-21)

Some participants, married to Qatari men from blockading countries, were familiar with recurrent aggression as they refrained from defending their home country. A non-Qatari female participant stated, “I cannot defend Bahrain because it blockades Qatar. How can I defend Bahrain? What can I say? I keep silent. Bahraini people are unhappy with what happened, but we cannot say anything” (NQFP-19). Another Qatari female participant reported, ”At the (Qatari) airport, I am described as from the blockade countries. The officer held my I.D. card and said: ‘From the blockade countries’! I felt offended” (QFP-8).

Being out in public was another environment where the participants experienced multiple acts of bullying and isolation. A non-Qatari female participant described a sports event between Qatar and her country of origin: “Every time I talk to someone, they keep saying, ‘Don’t you know we won the championship in Qatar?’ These comments are very irritating” (NQFP-18).

Aggression and bullying through the internet and social media

Three non-Qatari participants reported experiencing bullying and aggression through social media by their work colleagues. A Qatari male participant conveyed their bullying experience via email and messenger after losing his business in a blockaded country:

I received emails and messages warning me someone would hack my account, even though I only wrote regular comments. Because of the digital attack on social media, I became afraid to go to the Emirates. I also heard that people who went to Saudi Arabia got arrested and interrogated even though they had nothing to do with politics. (QMP-1)

A non-Qatari female participant, married to a Qatari man and having lived in Qatar for nearly 20 years, spoke about her Qatari colleagues’ cyberbullying:

Once, I went to the Emirates. I took a photo of the Khalifa Tower and wrote: “Dubai is different from the world.” When I came back, I met my friends and found them upset. Some people replied: “Stay there, don’t come back.” That hurt me so much. (NQFP-18)

The same participant spoke about being targeted by her friends, knowing she is not a Qatari citizen. She reported being bullied by a social media influencer due to her Emirati nationality:

“We demand the divorce of mercenaries (an expression to point to women from blockading countries married to Qatari men).” She made it like a statement and published it as if it were legislated by the court demanding the divorce of “mercenaries.” I replied harshly and blocked her so I would not get upset or see more of what she may post (against non-Qatari women). I felt bad. Knowing people like her upsets me. (NQFP-18)

A non-Qatari male participant who used X (formerly known as Twitter) reported being bullied by some followers:

A message reads: “Stop hitting below the belt! Enough is enough! I (the participant) leave some tweets, which are messages below the belt.” Then, I replied, sure … . (no objection) Because I cannot change their minds, this is not easy. For him (the person who sent me the message), perceives me as a wrongdoer. (NQMP-24)

The Effects of bullying on mental health and well-being

Low self-worth and self-harm

All participants reported adverse effects of bullying on their children and family members, including themselves. According to most parents, aggression and bullying harm their children’s self-esteem, sense of belonging, and self-worth, and on occasion lead to self-harm. A Qatari female participant observed the adverse effects on her daughter’s mental well-being, describing:

She (name of the daughter) faced many situations and suffered from stress and depression. I mean, she developed a psychological problem. She started thinking about punishing herself, so she cut herself with blades. She did not miss her arteries; she only wounded herself to feel relieved from that pain (of bullying). (QFP-1)

Bullying was reported to severely impact a person’s self-worth and has influenced the participants’ perception of self. The more the individual is bullied and degraded, the less likely they are to value themselves and their well-being:

Some people respect us, but others throw insults as if we mean nothing to them. Sometimes, Qataris insulted Emiratis (and) spoke negatively of them in my presence, without respecting me as an Emirati national. This upsets me because I feel disrespected. Some people appreciate my company, but others say I don’t exist. (NQFP-1)

Another Qatari female participant said that her son was traumatized after being bullied at school:

He felt down when the problem (blockade) happened. I felt that he was forced to face this situation for the first time in his life and that someone looked at him with an inferior look just because he descended from an Egyptian origin. He got a psychological shock. (QFP-6)

Loss of pride and national identity

Five participants shared how continuous negative interactions and hurtful remarks can diminish their self-esteem and belief in themselves, including their national and Khaleeji identity. A Qatari female participant spoke about her son’s denial of his Egyptian nationality and disassociation for protection after being bullied:

After the bullying incident, I felt he (my son) was not proud of being Egyptian. He used to be proud before, but later, he didn’t like it anymore. Even the way he spoke, I felt that he loved to speak with Qatari (dialect) and wanted to mingle with Qatari people (…) I think he denied his Egyptian identity and avoided talking to someone with the Egyptian dialect. (QFP-5)

One Qatari female participant shared that her child was extremely eager to become a Qatari national instead of Bahraini to avoid being targeted as an enemy:

My younger son, for example, asked me, “Why don’t I become a Qatari?” and I asked, “Why do you want to become a Qatari? What is wrong with being Bahraini?” He said, no, because they (Bahrainis) are from the blockading countries. I do not want to be from the blockading countries because, in school, they (classmates) say, “You are from the blockading countries”. (QFP-3)

Similarly, another Qatari female participant reported that her daughter rejected her Saudi nationality:

“I am a Qatari.” I tell her, “Okay, you are a Qatari, but your father is Saudi, so you are of Saudi origin.” She says, “No, I don’t want my father to be Saudi.” She wants him to become a Qatari. (QFP-9)

Social exclusion and isolation

Almost all non-Qatari participants reported avoiding social interactions with Qatari citizens to avoid further bullying. A non-Qatari male participant said that after the blockade, he tried to prevent any communication with people, whether in Bahrain or Qatar:

I was a spontaneous person. However, with this crisis, everyone has become suspicious. Communication with many people stopped. Even here in Qatar, I used to attend so many seminars. I have stopped such activities (laughs). (NQMP-24)

Similarly, a non-Qatari male participant shared his enduring apprehension about interacting within the community due to bullying, leading him to avoid his surroundings:

Society pays more attention to any mistakes made by Emirati residents because of the current situation. I fear going out; I only go to work and back home. I don’t meet or call anyone. I know (doing so) will trigger a different reaction. I fear everything. (NQMP-23)

Another non-Qatari female participant reported that she avoids any gatherings after being bullied, including her virtual group: “I mean, (crying) I avoid sitting with people. I even left my WhatsApp groups” (NQFP-1).

Discussion

This study examined the blockade’s effect on 24 individuals who are part of cross-national families, specifically Qatari nationals with non-Qatari partners and their children. Through parents’ perspectives and experiences, this study explored the impact of the political instability in the Gulf region created by the blockade imposed on Qatar between 2017–2021 on adults, children, family dynamics, and overall community well-being. The findings provide valuable insights into the various ways in which these families have been affected. Moreover, it delves deeper into the far-reaching consequences of the blockade on families, investigating how its effects extend beyond the immediate participants. It also sheds light on how bullying’s negative impact can affect not only the parents and children involved but also their extended family members, even crossing international borders, collegial relationships, and one’s community. Furthermore, the blockade has considerably impacted the collective national identities of individuals in the region. Specifically, the sense of Khaleeji identity among children has declined, while Qatari identity has become more desired (Amin et al., 2022)

As illustrated in Figure 1, the findings show that the blockade on Qatar is an example of how political conflicts and instability in a given country can have severe and lasting effects on individuals and society’s overall well-being and mental health.

Figure 1. Sociopolitical process of bullying and aggression.

The figure is a diagram of the sociopolitical process of bullying/aggression and its consequences. It is useful for understanding the complex factors contributing to bullying/aggression and its negative impact on adults and children.

Theme 1: characteristics of aggressive and bullying behavior in different contexts and settings

Identity-based bullying and aggressive behavior

The first thematic issue delves into participants’ experiences within the context of the blockade, which were significantly shaped by their social identities, such as gender, nationality, and citizenship. Notably, Qatari women and non-Qatari males with children under 18 reported facing various forms of bullying, including verbal, physical, cyber, and other types, directed towards themselves, their children, and their spouses more frequently than their counterparts. Conversely, instances of mistreatment towards individuals from blockading countries by some Qataris were also observed, occurring across different age groups and settings. These behaviours encompassed hostility, aggression, bullying, and demeaning conduct towards children and spouses from the blockading countries.

Within the context of the blockade, distinct encounters of aggression and bullying emerged, primarily influenced by gender and citizenship factors. Gender-based citizenship was particularly relevant for Qatari women, whereas non-Qatari men and their children were influenced by national identity. Gender roles and power dynamics played a significant role in shaping responses to aggression and bullying, highlighting their complex interplay with well-being. Maydon et al. (2023) support these findings, emphasizing the varied forms such experiences can take within cross-national or immigrant families. However, the study did not specify whether the participants’ experiences of bullying and aggressive behaviour were solely attributed to their gender identity or whether they varied based on biased targeting or their intersectional social identity (e.g., gender, citizenship, nationality). Building on the work of Abu-Ras et al. (2022), citizenship based on gender identity may play a crucial role.

National identity emerged as a crucial factor in this study, notably affecting Bahraini and Emirati participants who experienced more bullying and aggression than their Egyptian or Saudi counterparts. This discrepancy can be traced back to historical political conflicts. For instance, the Hawar Islands dispute, especially after the 2001 International Court of Justice ruling favouring Bahrain over Qatar, further fostered political animosity (Khalifa & Khalifa, 2022). Thus, historical tensions may have influenced the experiences of Bahraini citizens in Qatar, exacerbating instances of bullying. A similar study supports how historical tensions were observed among Emirati and Palestinian adolescents, shaping cognitive perspectives and highlighting the complex connection between aggression and ethno-national politics (Dubow et al., 2019).

The enduring nature of political conflicts profoundly influences a child’s identity formation, validating prevailing perspectives through the lens of collectively interpreted history (Paez & Liu, 2011). Moreover, collective memory plays a pivotal role in shaping the dynamics between aggression and politics, as evidenced by heightened aggression among citizens of Bahrain and the UAE (Nicholson, 2017). This nuanced relationship underscores the complexity of aggressive behaviour within socio-political contexts, highlighting the interconnections of history, collective memory, and contemporary manifestations.

Through the GAM framework, historical conflicts underlying nationality-based tensions may have laid the groundwork for hostilities post-blockade. Challenges posed by the socio-economic blockade amplified identity-driven aggression, frequently blaming other nationalities (i.e., blockading countries). These findings align with previous research emphasizing the influence of violence on emotional processes and observational learning (Huesmann et al., 2017; Rozenas et al., 2017).

Bullying from family and peers

The blockade crisis has cultivated intergroup conflicts, fostering hostility and aggression that extend beyond interactions with strangers to including family members and relatives living outside Qatar, particularly in the blockading countries. Aggressive behaviours, including bullying, have become prevalent, with individuals facing aggression from supporters of blockading nations, indicating the internalization and replication of aggressive messages from political and social discussions (Dantchev & Wolke, 2019; deLara, 2022; Lawrence et al., 2023). This phenomenon may exacerbate division among cross-national families and intensify stress, thereby fuelling aggressive behaviours.

In addition, findings regarding peers and children’s experiences shed light on the pervasive nature of bullying within familial and peer circles. Participants elaborated on incidents sourced from various relationships, including classmates, colleagues, and family members residing abroad. Particularly noteworthy is sibling bullying, often overlooked or dismissed by parents as a facet of sibling rivalry or even endorsed as guidance (Brett et al., 2023; Ge et al., 2017). However, research indicates that sibling bullying significantly impacts children’s well-being, leading to decreased competence, lower self-esteem, diminished life satisfaction, and social isolation (Plamondon et al., 2021). Despite being viewed as a developmental phase, sibling bullying can be as harmful as peer bullying, necessitating further investigation, especially in Arab countries where family bullying remains underexplored (Brett et al., 2023; deLara, 2022; Lawrence et al., 2023). Consequently, addressing bullying within familial and peer contexts is imperative to safeguarding individuals’ physical and mental well-being, emphasizing the critical role of supportive social relationships in promoting overall health and resilience.

Workplace bullying

A pressing sub-theme, workplace bullying, was a concern among non-Qatari participants, which they stated was exacerbated by the blockade crisis, permeating collegial relationships and promoting a toxic work environment. The blockade crisis heightened stress levels, uncertainty, and ideological differences among co-workers, which may have increased existing tensions, further fuelling instances of bullying and harassment. Studies show that workplace bullying poses significant challenges for organizations and their employees, impacting productivity, morale, and overall well-being, thus underscoring the urgent need for proactive measures to address workplace bullying effectively (Bikos, 2023; Hallberg & Strandmark, 2006; Jacobsen et al., 2018).

Based on this study’s findings, workplace bullying was manifested in various forms, including verbal, intimidation, exclusion, demotion, and sabotage. For example, a distressing case of a Bahraini man’s demotion and harassment due to his nationality serves as a stark example of this discrimination. Such behaviours not only undermine individual confidence and mental health but also erode trust and cohesion within teams (Bikos, 2023). By taking a firm stance against workplace bullying and nurturing a positive work environment, organizations can enhance employee satisfaction, retention, and overall productivity. In doing so, organizations fulfill their ethical and legal obligations and promote a culture of mutual respect and support conducive to individual and organizational success.

Bullying by other authority figures

Numerous cases of aggression and bullying perpetrated by other authority figures, such as teachers and officials at airports and police departments, were detailed by the participants. The account of a Saudi friend’s daughter enduring insults from her teacher underscores the vulnerability of children to authority-based bullying in schools, highlighting the urgent need for improved cooperation within the education system to prevent such incidents. The narrative of an individual with mixed Qatari and Emirati heritage sheds light on the complexities of identity, as evidenced by frequent arrests that tarnish one’s reputation and disrupt workplace relationships. This underscores the lack of support and defence for those subjected to such treatment. Additionally, encounters of non-Qatari participants facing questioning and hostility from officials at Saudi Arabian airports suggest the presence of aggression even within one’s homeland, reflecting broader political tensions. These accounts underscore the nuance associated with mixed national identities during the blockade.

Authority bullying, characterized by the misuse of power to intimidate or control others, can escalate hostility among populations through various channels. When individuals in positions of authority, such as teacher, police officer, or superior, engage in bullying behaviour, it fosters perceptions of injustice, normalizes aggression, undermines trust and respect for institutions, exacerbates social divisions, and elicits negative psychological responses. This combination of factors can fuel resentment, anger, and defiance within the population, creating a hostile environment characterized by increased tension and conflict.

Furthermore, based on these findings, some Qataris may have believed that the blockading countries harbour hostility, justifying Qatari citizens’ aggressive actions as a means to protect their national or cultural identity. This distorted perception not only perpetuates aggression but also exacerbates intergroup conflicts. Additionally, teachers can reinforce these cognitive distortions by modelling them to students. An example is a teacher’s remark about diminishing Saudis, indicating the potential influence of educators in perpetuating stereotypes and biases. When influential authority figures like teachers express or endorse negative views of certain groups, it can mould students’ beliefs and attitudes, normalizing aggression and discrimination. This underscores the significance of social learning and cognitive distortions within the GAM framework in the context of the blockade and its repercussions.

Social media

The study’s findings underscore the persistent presence of aggression and bullying on social media platforms, aligning with previous research that highlights their significant role (Ganesh & Devi, 2021; Polak & Trottier, 2020). Throughout the blockade, social media served not only as channels for news dissemination but also as breeding grounds for hate speech, trials by social media, and the reinforcement of dehumanizing stereotypes and hostile behaviours directed at political opponents. Notably, X’s (formerly known as Twitter) multifaceted role during the blockade is evident. It functioned as a platform for promoting national unity and solidarity while simultaneously amplifying nationalist sentiments and accentuating perceived divisions among various groups (Oruc, 2019). However, it also evolved into an arena marked by a surge in politically charged aggression and bullying, reigniting historical tensions (T. Mitchell, 2019). These findings underscore the complexity of social media, nationalism, and political conflict, underscoring the need for critical examination and regulation of online discourse.

This first thematic issue highlights the interplay between societal factors, such as political crises, and individual behaviours. It underscores the importance of addressing aggression and bullying within affected communities through multifaceted interventions that consider both contextual and individual factors. By understanding these dynamics, policymakers and practitioners can develop more effective strategies to mitigate the adverse effects of aggression within society.

In sum, the findings from the first theme resonate with the GAM, which underscores the role of social interactions in shaping aggressive behaviours. Notably, observational learning emerges as a pivotal mechanism, as individuals, particularly children, siblings, and peers, often emulate aggressive behaviours they witness. For instance, exposure to aggression as a response to blockade-induced tensions may inadvertently normalize such behaviours among younger generations, shaping their perceptions of conflict resolution strategies. This study provides insights into the motivations behind aggressive behaviours, suggesting responses to individual interactions and the prevailing political climate are important, and these findings are supported by prior research (Hogg & Terry, 2000; Merrilees et al., 2013; Muldoon, 2013). Aggressive acts symbolize broader social conflicts and may become normalized within groups, potentially leading to desensitization (Duffy, 2018; Merrilees et al., 2013).

Theme II: blockade impact on mental health and well-being

The study’s second theme, the impacts on mental health and well-being, uncovered significant implications. These behaviours were linked to depression, social exclusion, shame, compromised identity, and self-harm. The erosion of self-esteem and national pride was particularly pronounced among individuals of diverse nationalities and ethnicities, highlighting the pervasive impact of the blockade. Thornberg’s (2015) assertion that bullying victims seek acceptance and recognition resonates with the findings, especially concerning the children of Qatari women who faced heightened bullying due to their citizenship status (Abu-Ras et al., 2022). The findings show three sub-thematic issues:

Low self worth and self-harm

Bullying’s profound impact on mental well-being extends far beyond immediate interpersonal conflicts, deeply affecting their psychological health which can manifest in self-harming behaviours as a coping mechanism in the face of sustained emotional distress. Bullying and aggression can significantly impact self-esteem, leading to feelings of worthlessness, powerlessness, and social isolation. The consistent negative feedback and derogatory remarks from aggressors can erode self-worth over time, reinforcing a sense of inadequacy and inferiority. Victims often feel powerless to defend themselves against their aggressors, exacerbating feelings of helplessness and diminishing self-esteem. These factors may increase the risk of self-harm as individuals struggle to cope with the emotional fallout of their experiences. Abdeen et al. (2018) and Karanikola et al. (2018) emphasizes the detrimental effects of peer victimization on mental health, highlighting how the constant fear of others’ reactions and the absence of social support exacerbate feelings of isolation and vulnerability. These studies illuminate the broader implications of bullying, revealing its capacity to engender sustained emotional distress and undermine individuals’ sense of psychological well-being. Adolescents, in particular, emerge as a vulnerable demographic, susceptible to the deleterious consequences of bullying. The relentless assault on their self-esteem and sense of worth may drive them to resort to self-injurious behaviours as a means of seeking relief from their emotional turmoil (Hamada et al., 2018; Rissanen et al., 2021).

The intersectionality of bullying, ethnicity, and mental well-being unveils complex dynamics that further underscore the importance of addressing systemic inequalities and fostering inclusive environments. As elucidated by the aforementioned research, bullying is not merely an isolated phenomenon but is intricately linked to broader socio-cultural factors. These factors play a significant role in shaping individuals’ responses to bullying and exacerbating its adverse effects on mental health. Cultivating a sense of ethnic pride, such as Khaleeji identity, emerges as a protective factor against the deleterious effects of bullying. By empowering individuals to embrace their cultural identity and navigate adversity with strength and dignity, targeted interventions can mitigate the detrimental impacts of bullying on mental well-being

Loss of pride and national identity

The blockade crisis elicited complex emotions among offspring born to Qatari mothers but perceived as non-Qataris, exposing them to a profound sense of shame and an identity crisis. A study by Amin et al. (2022) and J. S. Mitchell and Al-Hammadi (2020) illuminates how these individuals grapple with feelings of self-deprecation and rejection of their non-Qatari heritage in the face of heightened nationalism among Qataris. The blockade’s impact on national identity has reshaped the Khaleeji identity landscape, potentially increasing social divisions and marginalizing those who do not conform to traditional notions of citizenship and belonging. This phenomenon underscores the intricate interplay between political dynamics, cultural identity, gendered citizenship, and individual psychosocial well-being. As individuals navigate the complexities of belonging in a polarized environment, the sense of pride and acceptance engenders a deep-seated sense of shame, contributing to psychological distress and social disconnection.

The erosion of pride stemming from targeted hostility and bullying based on citizenship and nationality distinctions further compounds the mental health toll as individuals grapple with the corrosive effects of identity-based discrimination. Althschul et al. (2006) and Mandara et al. (2009) highlight the profound impact of ethnic pride in bolstering resilience against such stressors, emphasizing the critical role of cultural identity in mitigating the adverse effects of bullying. However, when individuals face relentless persecution and hostility rooted in their ethnicity or nationality, their sense of pride and belonging is eroded, leaving them vulnerable to the insidious effects of mental distress.

Avoidance and social exclusion

As the findings show, bullying, in this context, has profound implications on individuals’ sense of self and belonging, transcending mere interpersonal conflicts to deeply affect one’s core identity. The impact of bullying manifests in multifaceted ways, engendering feelings of confusion, alienation, and detachment across diverse dimensions of identity, including national identity, cultural heritage, familial connections, and social affiliations. At its core, bullying disrupts one’s sense of self-identity, including one’s self-worth, belonging, and purpose, leading to interpersonal aggression. This destabilization extends beyond the immediate context of bullying incidents, permeating various spheres of life and often eroding the foundations of identity that individuals rely upon for stability and coherence. Moreover, the impact of bullying extends beyond individual experiences to encompass broader societal implications, as fragmented identities reverberate through communities and cultures. The erosion of self-identity and belonging not only undermines the well-being of individuals but also fractures the social fabric, impeding collective progress and cohesion. Thus, addressing the complexities of identity-related impacts of bullying demands a nuanced and comprehensive approach that transcends mere behavioural interventions.

Findings from the study highlight avoidance behaviours stemming from a pervasive fear of encountering aggression or bullying in online and offline spaces. The blockade’s impact extends beyond tangible disruptions to encompass psychological barriers that impede individuals’ ability to engage with their social environments. Research argues how these avoidance strategies manifest in social withdrawal and disengagement, perpetuating feelings of isolation, loneliness, and depression among affected individuals (Hicks, 2020; Viduani et al., 2021). The link between aggression, bullying, and avoidance behaviours underscores the profound toll of interpersonal conflict on mental well-being, emphasizing the urgent need for targeted interventions to address underlying psychosocial stressors.

Again, the findings resonate with the GAM which highlights the importance of cognitive processes, such as attitudes, beliefs, and cognitive biases, in mediating the relationship between situational factors and aggressive behaviours. It also provides a comprehensive framework for understanding how situational factors, observational learning, and cognitive processes interact to shape aggressive behaviours and contribute to the adverse mental health outcomes observed in the second thematic issue of the study. By addressing these underlying mechanisms, interventions can be developed to mitigate the impact of aggression, bullying, and discrimination on individuals’ mental health and well-being.

As Figure 1 illustrates, the findings provide a comprehensive overview of the complex interplay between sociopolitical processes, sources of bullying and aggression, and their effects on mental health and well-being. It also underscores the interconnectedness of these factors and emphasizes the need for multifaceted interventions to address bullying effectively. By understanding the sociopolitical context in which bullying occurs, acknowledging its various sources, and recognizing its detrimental effects, stakeholders can develop targeted strategies to prevent and mitigate the harmful impacts of bullying on individuals and communities. Ultimately, Figure 1 serves as a visual tool for raising awareness about the complexities of bullying and advocating for comprehensive approaches to address this pervasive issue.

Implications and limitations

This study’s findings offer profound insights into the experiences of bullying and aggressive behaviour among participants in cross-national marriages amidst socio-political conflict. These insights carry significant implications for crisis management strategies and targeted intervention efforts, providing valuable guidance for policymakers, practitioners, and community stakeholders. The prevalence, type, and nature of reported bullying and aggression incidents reflect a society grappling with social and political instability. Policymakers must recognize the vulnerabilities exposed by such conflicts, including the detrimental effects on family structures, community bonds, and social cohesion. They can leverage these findings to promote alternative behaviours and coping strategies, fostering inclusive and supportive environments. For instance, allocating resources to establish community-based support networks tailored to address the psychological impact of bullying and aggression within cross-national marriages may empower individuals to navigate interpersonal challenges more effectively. Also, raising awareness about the consequences of bullying and aggression, particularly in areas where historical and political conflict exist, is important. Policymakers can spearhead educational campaigns aimed at the general public and key stakeholders to disseminate information about the detrimental effects of such behaviours. These campaigns could utilize various media platforms to promote empathy and understanding among individuals.

Implementing comprehensive social learning programs at the school-age level can significantly contribute to mitigating hostilities and promoting mutual understanding between diverse groups. By equipping students with skills such as increased empathy and conflict resolution strategies, policymakers foster a culture of respect and inclusivity from a young age, thereby addressing instances of bullying and aggression proactively. Furthermore, the findings imply the urgent need for comprehensive mental health support services that prioritize the unique challenges faced by individuals subjected to identity-based bullying. By fostering a culture of empathy, understanding, and inclusivity, stakeholders can create environments where individuals feel valued and supported, mitigating the risk of self-harming behaviours and promoting holistic well-being.

Facilitating intergroup interactions and providing opportunities for meaningful dialogue between different cultural and national groups is instrumental in breaking down stereotypes and promoting empathy. Creating spaces for constructive exchanges cultivates environments where mutual respect and appreciation thrive, ultimately reducing intergroup tensions and conflicts.

Human resource departments play a crucial role in preventing workplace bullying by establishing formal procedures and protocols for addressing instances of misconduct. Robust anti-bullying policies, comprehensive training, and creating a culture of respect within the workplace contribute to safe and healthy work environments where employees feel empowered to speak up against bullying and harassment.

Combating cyberbullying requires education, training, and clear legislation. Educational initiatives and training for educators, parents, and community members are essential for recognizing and addressing cyberbullying effectively. Enacting comprehensive legislation that outlines legal consequences for cyberbullying sends a strong message that online harassment will not be tolerated, creating a safer digital environment for all individuals.

While this study has provided valuable insights, addressing its limitations in future research is crucial. One notable limitation is the relatively narrow scope of the study’s sample size and data collection techniques. Additionally, incorporating diverse data collection techniques such as interviews, surveys, and observational studies can offer richer insights into the nuances of bullying and aggression within cross-national marriages. Employing broader samples encompassing a more diverse range of individuals from various socio-cultural backgrounds can provide a more comprehensive understanding of the complex dynamics at play. By employing these strategies, researchers can capture a more comprehensive understanding of bullying and aggression dynamics within cross-national marriages in other conflicted countries, ultimately informing targeted interventions to support affected individuals and families.Future studies can further elucidate the complex dynamics of bullying and aggression within cross-national marriages during times of socio-political conflict, informing more targeted and effective intervention strategies for promoting community well-being and resilience.

Conclusion

This study has delved into the complex dynamics of bullying and aggressive behaviour within cross-national marriages during socio-political conflict, the blockade. Through the experiences of 24 participants, we have gained valuable insights into the multifaceted challenges faced by individuals navigating interpersonal relationships in the midst of heightened tensions. The findings underscore the profound impact of socio-political conflict on individuals’ well-being, identity, and social interactions. Bullying and aggression emerge as significant manifestations of these broader socio-political tensions, with individuals facing heightened vulnerability and distress as a result. Furthermore, these findings highlight the importance of proactive measures in addressing bullying and aggression in various contexts. From fostering inclusive environments through social and emotional learning programs to implementation. Moving forward, it is imperative that policymakers, practitioners, and community stakeholders work together to implement evidence-based interventions that promote empathy, understanding, and resilience within affected communities. By prioritizing the well-being and safety of individuals, we can create a more inclusive and harmonious society where all individuals feel valued and respected. Ultimately, this study serves as a call to action to address the pervasive issue of bullying and aggression within cross-national marriages and beyond. By acknowledging and confronting these challenges head-on, we can pave the way for a future where interpersonal conflicts are resolved through dialogue, understanding, and mutual respect.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

The author(s) reported there is no funding associated with the work featured in this article.

Notes on contributors

Wahiba Abu-Ras

Dr. Wahiba Abu-Ras is a Professor at Adelphi University School of Social Work. Her research focuses on mental health among Muslims and Arab Americans, as well as immigrants’ and refugees’ well-being.

Eliza Decker

Eliza Decker is a graduate student at the Adelphi University School of Social Work. Her focus is on social justice and mental health for children, families, and adults, including among minority and immigrant groups.

Maryam Burghul

Maryam Burghul holds a Master’s degree in social work (Community Development) from the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies and is a PhD candidate in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Austin, Texas. Her research interests revolve around the women’s triad, migration, and mental health.

Sara Terrana

Dr. Sara Terrana is an Assistant Professor at Adelphi University School of Social Work. Her research interests include the nonprofit and voluntary sector, community-based organizations, nonprofit management, social inequality, social identity, and social policy.