Higher education as a pathway for female immigrants’ establishment and well-being in Sweden

ABSTRACT

Purpose

This study focuses on higher education as a pathway to establishment in a new society for female immigrants and its role in well-being. Building on previous research that highlights social capital and empowerment as significant factors for successful establishment in a new society, and experiencing well-being, this study aims to explore if higher education can promote female immigrants’ establishment in Swedish society.

Methods

Interviews were used to explore female immigrants’ experiences of higher education and establishment in Swedish society. Thematic analysis was used to analyse the empirical material, generating a nuanced understanding of the studied topic.

Results

Higher education was found to promote establishment in Swedish society, ultimately leading to an experience of well-being. Pursuing higher education was perceived as a means of achieving personal fulfilment and success while fostering new social connections. Important factors in pursuing higher education included favourable living conditions, personal motivation, and a positive educational attitude.

Conclusion

The study provides insights into female immigrants’ higher education experiences in a context that promotes establishment in Swedish society and well-being. However, more research is needed to fully investigate the driving factors for female immigrants pursuing higher education, considering their migrant background and living conditions.

KEYWORDS:

• Higher education
• health
• well-being
• integration
• female immigrants

Immigrants’ establishment in a new society is a complex process affecting the individual’s lifestyle and social situation, potentially impacting the overall quality of life and well-being (Ager & Strang, 2008; Nakhaie & Wijesingha, 2015). As a social context, higher education is argued to facilitate immigrants’ establishing themselves in a new society. One reason is higher education’s capacity to foster social interaction and participation between groups, cultures, and the surrounding society (Colak et al., 2022; Lenette, 2016; Morrice, 2021; Sadeghi, 2008). In Sweden, higher education encompasses studies after upper secondary school (Swedish Higher Education Authority, 2021). To foster increased engagement and long-term establishment in Swedish society, broad recruitment of individuals to higher education has been encouraged to include students from diverse cultural and foreign backgrounds (Swedish Council for Higher Education, 2016). The proportion of students with immigrant backgrounds entering higher education in Sweden has increased over the past decade. In the academic year 2020/2021, 26% of the students entering higher education in Sweden had an immigrant background (Statistics Sweden, 2021). It has been noted that immigrants are not naturally integrated into the national education systems, which are structured as a continuous process assuming a national population transitioning through various stages until they graduate from upper secondary school and progress to higher education (Morrice, 2021).

Few studies have focused on individual, social, and contextual factors promoting and facilitating immigrants’ pathways to higher education (Pherali & Moghli, 2019). Furthermore, it is crucial to comprehend how higher education affects immigrants’ establishment, especially regarding their well-being (Jack et al., 2019). An immigrant’s establishment is commonly equated with integration, a term frequently used to denote the interplay between an immigrant’s cultural background and the new country’s culture (Ager & Strang, 2008; Berry, 1997). The term “immigrants” refers to individuals undergoing the immigration process, which is, in turn, defined as the act of moving to a new country and establishing residency. Immigration is the broader phenomenon of migration, encompassing individuals’ voluntary or involuntary movement between countries (Eurostat, 2021). Integration into a new country can be described as a form of cultural contact and involves bridging diverse cultures, i.e., the immigrant’s culture of origin and the new country’s culture (Berry, 1997). Furthermore, Ager and Strang (2008) emphasize that integration is a two-way process requiring social solidarity between immigrants and the native population in the new country. From this sociological perspective, the integration process relies on social relationships and active social participation, which becomes a facilitator for the integration process. However, factors such as limited linguistic and cultural knowledge can pose obstacles to meaningful social participation (Ager & Strang, 2008), and studies indicate that a diminished sense of empowerment (Awoonor-Williams & Overå, 2022) and insufficient levels of social capital (Murray et al., 2022) can hinder the integration process.

Social capital is described as significant for an individual’s active and meaningful social participation as it encompasses social relationships and networks characterized by trust (Putnam, 1993). Previous studies suggest that higher education can facilitate the integration of immigrants by enhancing their social networks, social status, social awareness, and societal contributions (e.g., Jack et al., 2019; Lenette, 2016; Morrice, 2021; Sadeghi, 2008). Moreover, an improved social status and social awareness, along with a sense of being able to contribute to society, are suggested to influence immigrants’ social capital and empowerment consequently. An increased sense of social capital and empowerment can affect immigrants’ capacity to establish themselves in the new society (Lenette, 2016; Morrice, 2021; Sadeghi, 2008). Furthermore, for many women with immigrant backgrounds, higher education is an important period of transition into a new society and the prospects of careers and life opportunities (cf. Nakhaie & Wijesingha, 2015). Higher education can empower women with immigrant backgrounds, enhance their social status and self-worth, promote financial independence, and promote positive emotions (cf. Harris et al., 2015; Lenette, 2016; Wu & Wu, 2015). Sadeghi (2008) found that higher education and increased knowledge can lead to an improved sense of empowerment among immigrant women. The women interviewed in the study identified education as crucial in enhancing their awareness of their entitlement to education and employment, resulting in increased social capital and a sense of accomplishment in the new country (Sadeghi, 2008).

However, previous studies indicate the possible influence of various factors on immigrants’ perception of higher education as a facilitator of establishment. Among these factors are e.g., family relationships, personal cultural norms, and cultural norms prevalent in the institutional environment of higher education (Colak et al., 2022; Morrice, 2013). Furthermore, it is common for immigrants to experience pressure to assimilate into the dominant culture within institutional settings (Colak et al., 2022; Lewis, 2021). This assimilation could unwittingly result in immigrant students losing their own cultural identity (Lewis, 2021). To promote establishment in a new society, it is argued that higher education should strive to create an environment where immigrant students can maintain their cultural identity while actively engaging with the broader society and the new country’s culture (Lewis, 2021). Alongside the educational context, it is important to also direct attention towards preventing structural discrimination against immigrants in the broader society (Colak et al., 2022). For example, it is significant to consider that immigrants are not naturally integrated into the national education system and may, therefore, encounter challenges in accessing higher education (Morrice, 2021).

In Sweden, an increased focus on lifelong learning for new groups of students, including immigrants, has been added to the mission of higher education (Regeringen, 2022). In addition, Swedish higher education has a general assignment to facilitate gender equality in higher education and future career paths (Regeringen, 2022). In the academic year of 2020/2021, there was a higher proportion of women with immigrant backgrounds (60%) entering higher education, compared to men with immigrant backgrounds (40%) (Sweden Statistics, 2021). While there seems to be a higher proportion of female immigrants pursuing higher education than male immigrants, previous studies indicate that female immigrants in Sweden experience challenges regarding social participation in Swedish society (Bennet & Lindström, 2018; Grottvall et al., 2019). According to Awoonor-Williams and Overå (2022) cultural gender norms can influence women’s experience of empowerment in a new country, subsequently impacting their opportunities for meaningful social engagement, such as participation in higher education. Gender norms rooted in patriarchal structures from the women’s countries of origin, thus, seem possible to impact female immigrants’ social engagement and establishment process (Awoonor-Williams & Overå, 2022; Lindsjö et al., 2021). Additionally, prior studies highlight the vulnerability of immigrant women to discrimination and marginalization in broader societal contexts and within the institutional environment of higher education (Bayati, 2014; Nakhaie & Wijesingha, 2015). Discrimination, marginalization, and social exclusion can, in turn, impair the well-being of female immigrants (Awoonor-Williams & Overå, 2022; Lindsjö et al., 2021).

Previous literature focusing on immigrants’ well-being addresses the impact of social and biological factors, alongside consequences associated with migration, on their perceived health and well-being (Lecerof et al., 2016; Manesis, 2014; World Health Organization, 2018). In Sweden, female immigrants experience lower levels of well-being than their male counterparts, with socio-economic conditions, social capital, and lifestyle identified as contributing factors (Bennet & Lindström, 2018). Nevertheless, studies suggest that an augmentation of social capital (Murray et al., 2022), combined with enhanced empowerment (Awoonor-Williams & Overå, 2022; Sadeghi, 2008) can strengthen and broaden female immigrants’ opportunities for social participation and establishment, ultimately contributing to enhanced well-being (Marin, 2019). In addition to higher education’s potential to strengthen immigrants’ sense of establishment in a new country (Lenette, 2016; Morrice, 2021; Sadeghi, 2008), higher education is suggested to promote immigrants’ sense of well-being (Jack et al., 2019). Establishment in a new society, where individuals are integrated into various aspects of the new society (Ager & Strang, 2008), appears to have possible positive impacts on immigrants’ well-being and overall quality of life (Jack et al., 2019; Marin, 2019). It should, however, be noted that studies investigating the influence of higher education on female immigrants’ establishment process in a new society, particularly regarding their well-being, are limited (Jack et al., 2019).

Rationale and aim

In the context of immigrant integration, higher education holds the potential to facilitate the establishment process into a new society. However, studies focusing on female immigrants’ experiences and perspectives of higher education regarding their establishment and sense of well-being are scarce. With female immigrants reporting lower levels of experienced well-being compared to male immigrants in Sweden, there is a need for gender-specific studies focusing on female immigrants as a group. To promote female immigrants’ establishment into Swedish society and enhance the well-being experience among this group, there is a need for an improved understanding of higher education as a possible context for developing and strengthening social capital and empowerment. Therefore, this study aims to explore female immigrants’ experiences of higher education for their establishment in Swedish society, focusing on well-being. The research questions are:

1. Which prerequisites do female immigrants perceive as important for pursuing higher education in Sweden?

2. What are the female immigrants’ reflections on the influence of higher education on their well-being?

Social capital and empowerment

In this study, well-being is conceptualized by social capital and empowerment. The concepts are associated with an immigration context and described as significant for promoting both establishment (Awoonor-Williams & Overå, 2022; Murray et al., 2022) and well-being (Kikhia et al., 2021; Lindsjö et al., 2021) in a new country. It is argued that empowerment can strengthen social capital by enabling individuals to utilize control over their lives, consequently enhancing opportunities for social engagement. Thus, social capital and empowerment are interconnected (Lindström & Eriksson, 2010; Marin, 2019; Popay, 2010). A sense of empowerment can facilitate immigrants’ ability to exert control over their own lives, and is, furthermore, related to the development of strong social support networks, which are important for adaptation, integration, and a sense of overall well-being in a new society (Ager & Strang, 2008; Murray et al., 2022).

Social capital is a multifaceted concept encompassing various resources facilitating the individual’s social participation, including social networks, interpersonal trust, cultural norms, and shared values (Putnam, 1993). Individually and collectively, such resources have been demonstrated to have a substantial preventive impact on various dimensions of ill health (Helliwell & Putnam, 2004; Villalonga-Olives & Kawachi, 2015). Studies indicate, for example, that strong social support networks can act as buffers against stressors, while high levels of interpersonal trust are described to promote mental well-being (Grottvall et al., 2019; Murray et al., 2022). In addition, active social participation is associated with improved mental health and well-being among immigrants (Lindsjö et al., 2021), while a lack of social capital generally has been associated with a possible negative impact on well-being among immigrants (Ager & Strang, 2008; Murray et al., 2022). However, it is essential to acknowledge the vital role of empowerment in developing personal social capital, including social networks and social participation (Lindström & Eriksson, 2010; Marin, 2019; Popay, 2010), particularly within the context of migration. Empowered immigrants seem more likely to contribute actively to social interaction, fostering a sense of belonging, community engagement, and well-being (Awoonor-Williams & Overå, 2022).

Empowerment, as defined by Popay (2010), refers to an individual’s ability to make decisions and exert control over life circumstances independently. This encompasses the ability to shape the course of action independently and to make decisions aligned with personal values and aspirations. Such empowerment is not limited to isolated decision-making but extends to a broader sphere of life. For example, empowerment can influence how an individual manages various factors in life, such as thoughts and emotions, material elements, and social factors, including social relationships and societal norms (Awoonor-Williams & Overå, 2022; Marin, 2019). To have empowerment to facilitate important factors/parts in life, such as employment, economic stability, social relationships, and community support, are of importance for an individual’s sense of well-being as these factors are encompassed within the determinants of health (Green et al., 2019). The determinants of health form a conceptual framework for comprehending and defining various factors influencing and contributing to an individual’s health and well-being (Green et al., 2019). Furthermore, immigrants’ empowerment in the integration process relates to the ability to exert control over life circumstances and to navigate the challenges of a new cultural and social environment, which in turn will influence the experience of well-being (Awoonor-Williams & Overå, 2022; Lindsjö et al., 2021; Marin, 2019).

However, migration and immigration affect individuals’ lifestyles and perceived control over life circumstances (Kikhia et al., 2021; Lindsjö et al., 2021). It is important also to consider the circumstances surrounding immigrants’ lives in a new country, such as economic circumstances, access to social services, language barriers, and cultural differences, as they can form and facilitate individual social capital and empowerment in a new country (Ager & Strang, 2008). Research indicates that female immigrants in Sweden often experience limited empowerment, as they perceive having little control over their life situation, which, in turn, can have a detrimental effect on the perceived sense of well-being (Lindsjö et al., 2021). Consequently, lack of empowerment, compounded by the inherent uncertainties of migration and the challenges of adapting to a new society, might lead to various mental and physical health issues, such as stress and depression (Lindsjö et al., 2021). A limited sense of empowerment can also hinder the development of social capital among female immigrants in the new country (Awoonor-Williams & Overå, 2022; Bennet & Lindström, 2018). Research emphasizes that the absence of social capital, particularly regarding social connections, is closely linked to poorer well-being (Bennet & Lindström, 2018). Within migration, a lack of social capital might worsen health disparities and negatively impact the individuals’ sense of well-being (Bennet & Lindström, 2018; Murray et al., 2022). In summary, the concepts of social capital and empowerment are significant in enhancing the understanding of female immigrants’ process of establishing themselves in Swedish society from a well-being perspective (Marin, 2019).

Method

Participants

This study emanates from a larger research project on female immigrants’ process of establishing in Swedish society. The current study sample was women who had migrated to Sweden, established themselves in Swedish society, and pursued higher education. A purposeful sampling method (Sadler et al., 2010) was used, which entailed a deliberate and targeted search for women with migration backgrounds. The search was conducted using diverse Facebook groups associated with cultural organizations in Sweden, as well as the author’s networks. An invitation to the study was also spread by sharing information letters to different colleges and universities, as well as cultural organizations in the city of Stockholm. The inclusion criteria were first-generation female immigrants who had voluntarily or involuntarily migrated from a country outside of Europe, residing in Sweden, aged between 18 and 40 years, and who had either graduated from or were currently pursuing higher education in Sweden. No consideration was given to the reason for migration, age at migration, or education program. Contact was established with eight women, four of whom made contact themselves, expressing their interest in participating; the remaining four were recruited through personal networks. All who expressed interest in participation were provided a consent form and detailed information about participation, including the voluntary nature of participation and ethical considerations. The participants had the possibility to withdraw their participation whenever they wanted and without providing a reason (Swedish Research Council, 2017). The women were also asked to share personal details via email to ensure the inclusion criteria were met. Lastly, five women participated in the study (Table 1). Two of the initial eight chose not to participate, citing loss of interest, and one was excluded from participation due to not meeting the age criteria.

Table 1 . Information about participants (with fictitious names).

Name	Age	Country of origin	Migrated to Sweden	Status of studies
Ana	33	Armenia	1995, aged six	Graduated
Paula	23	Iran	2011, aged 12	Ongoing higher education
Maria	28	Armenia	2007, aged 13	Graduated
Isabell	37	Iran	2007, aged 21	Ongoing higher education
Sofia	23	Syria	2016, aged 17	Ongoing higher education

Apart from the information provided in Table 1, further details of each participant are presented below.

Due to violence and strife in her native Armenia, Ana moved to Sweden along with her family. Ana moved to Armenia when she was young, so she doesn’t remember much of that time there. She remembers a dispute in the nation that forced her family to leave their little rural town and move to a larger city. She and her family lived in a refugee facility during her first time in Sweden; she recalls this as being confusing and frequently anxiety-inducing because of various conflicts at the refugee facility.

Paula and her family left their home country of Iran because of the unstable living conditions there and immigrated to Sweden. She described her life in Iran as “normal,” including going to school, playing badminton in her leisure time, and regularly interacting with friends and family. She said that even though it differed from what she was used to in Iran, she had found the first phase of her time in Sweden fascinating.

Maria left Armenia with her mother and sister and moved to Sweden due to war and strife. They lived with her uncle during the first period when they arrived in Sweden. Like Paula, Maria recalls a “normal” childhood in Armenia, complete with schooling and leisure activities. She was raised in a rural area before relocating to the capital with her mother, sister, and grandparents. Maria describes her first months in Sweden as a collision of cultures, finding it difficult to fit in because of the social norms that differ from those in her native nation.

Isabell moved voluntarily and alone from Iran to Sweden. Her decision to migrate was prompted by her interest in living in a nation different from her birthplace and previous residences. She also felt supported in choosing this because her aunt was already in Sweden. After arriving in Sweden, Isabell instantly began studying the language, discovered happiness there, and decided to stay.

Sofia and her family left Syria due to the war and moved to Sweden. She talked about going to school and leading what she calls a “normal” life in her own country, but she also talked about feeling somewhat powerless. The first few months in Sweden were challenging for Sofia. Although she had proven to be academically capable, she struggled to learn Swedish, which affected her social skills and caused her to feel alienated from Swedish society.

Interviews

Given its advantages in producing data about participants’ experiences and perspectives (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2014), qualitative interviews were considered an appropriate method. The interviews were conducted during the autumn of 2022 using digital video meetings by the communication tool Teams. The interviews were scheduled by mutual agreement with each participant via email. Due to study participants residing in different cities in Sweden, digital interviews were considered the most appropriate. The interviews were conducted by the first author, who also established contact with the participants and scheduled the interviews. The interviews were conducted in Swedish and recorded with consent using a digital voice recorder. The duration was between 45 and 60 minutes. Before the interviews, a semi-structured interview guide was created based on the study’s theoretical framework (Widerberg, 2002). However, to avoid academic terms and to enable an inductive approach in the analysis, interview questions directly related to social capital and empowerment were avoided, using linguistic forms of questions that allowed for rich participant narratives (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2014).

Questions about their experiences from their country of origin and perspectives on their future in Sweden were made to understand participants’ backgrounds, current life in Sweden, and future plans. Moreover, inquiries were made to gain insight into their thoughts and how their higher education impacted their outlook on life and sense of well-being. Participants were e.g., asked about their thoughts on how higher education had influenced their personal development, independence, and sense of meaningfulness. To investigate perceptions of social capital and its possible role in a sense of well-being and establishment in Sweden, participants were asked questions about the role of higher education in fostering new social connections and engaging in social contexts in Swedish society. The purpose was to seek examples illustrating if and how higher education had facilitated social connections and whether it was the educational context, the educational process, or a combination of both that had contributed to this experience, according to the participants. To explore the participants’ sense of empowerment, questions were framed to explore the possible impact of higher education on their sense of independence and well-being as well as the establishment in Sweden. The inquiry into the concept of empowerment was also broadened to capture the female perspective more specifically. This expansion led to the inclusion of questions about what they, as females, considered vital for making individual and independent decisions and if they experienced independence as females and immigrants. To facilitate a better understanding of the participants’ experiences of important prerequisites for pursuing higher education in Sweden, the interview guide concluded with a series of questions designed to capture retrospective experiences (Parry et al., 1999).

The interviews dealt with sensitive personal information that may be subject to ethical rules, and the Swedish Ethical Review Authority approved the study (Dnr 2021–03543). All private and sensitive information has been handled with confidentiality to reduce the possible risk of participant identification (Tracy, 2010). Participants may have had to recall unpleasant experiences; however, the study focused on exploring success factors regarding their establishment in Swedish society, not reviewing or reaching detailed descriptions of possible unpleasant experiences. Study participation is considered to have resulted in no or little negative impact on participants, and the occurrence of any such situation has been assessed as outweighed by the possible benefits of the study (Swedish Research Council, 2017). Additionally, no previous or personal relationship existed between participants and the researchers, reducing the risk of influence on participants’ narratives due to such reasons (e.g., Tong et al., 2007). It should be mentioned that before participation, participants were given written and oral information regarding the study’s goal and aim, as well as the opportunity to ask questions. Furthermore, given the limited sample size, details regarding the sample’s size and variety are included in the section describing study participants. In the findings section, it was important to discuss any divergent experiences and viewpoints that participants may have had concerning a particular issue (Tong et al., 2007; Tracy, 2010).

Analysis

All interviews were manually transcribed verbatim (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2014). To strengthen the study’s trustworthiness, observations, interpretations, and any possible communication issues during the interviews were accurately reflected in the transcriptions (Tracy, 2010). Thematic analysis with an inductive approach was used as the analysing strategy, following Braun and Clarke’s (2006) guidelines. The first author had the main responsibility for the analysis process. Continuous discussions regarding the process and identified results were held with the other two authors, with long experience in qualitative data analysis, to enhance the study’s trustworthiness (Tracy, 2010).

The analysis process began with the transcriptions being read through twice while simultaneously making notes on possible patterns and ideas for codes. The next step involved the coding process (Braun & Clarke, 2006) whereby data considered relevant to the aim of the study were systematically and manually highlighted, using specific colours. Coding was performed for as many patterns as possible throughout the data set, and the same colour was used for similar data extracts in all transcripts. Through this process, repeated patterns in the empirical material were identified and formed. Each pattern was given a label reflecting the manifest content. Similarities between extracts identified within each code reflected the code’s latent content, implying that the coding process was used to identify both manifest and latent content. In the step that followed, identified codes were organized into an analysis schedule (Appendix 1) to facilitate the management of the empirical material for the subsequent stages of the analysis, entailing the organization of the identified codes into themes.

Organizing the identified codes into themes involved an attempt to categorize the various codes into potential thematic categories. This was achieved by using a thematic map to create an overarching thematic structure, which aimed to illustrate potential relationships between codes and explore how they could be integrated into thematic constructs (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The initial thematic map resulted in six themes. These were later reviewed to ensure that the codes within each theme had a meaningful connection and that the themes identified were distinctive. This was done by sorting all data extracts within each code under their respective themes and reading them through to ensure a coherent pattern within each theme and distinctiveness between themes. Some extracts were re-coded as adjustments to codes were made. Theme names were also reworked during this last analysis step (Braun & Clarke, 2006). As illustrated in the thematic map below (Figure 1), this review identified three final themes (see Table 2).

Figure 1. Final thematic map.

Table 2. Themes.

Themes
1. Enabling factors for access to higher education
2. Path to empowerment
3. A sense of belonging in a new society

Results

The thematic analysis resulted in three themes (Table 2). Participants have been given fictitious names, used when quoting. Quotes have been translated from Swedish to English. Some adjustments to the wording of the quotes have been made to facilitate reader understanding.

Theme 1: enabling factors for access to higher education

This theme highlights the participants’ perspectives on their lives, living conditions, and how it has affected their path to higher education in Sweden. During the interviews, the participants shared experiences of different life events, including their time in their countries of origin, their migration and immigration process, and their everyday lives in Sweden. The participants revealed that, despite the adverse effects of migration, including difficulties in acquiring a new language, feelings of isolation, and psychological discomfort brought on by a sense of unpredictability, they have always had generally good living circumstances. Favourable living conditions implied a sense of satisfactory socio-economic circumstances, social relationships, close family, opportunities for personal development, and well-being. Furthermore, favourable living conditions were argued to be an important enabling factor for establishing themselves in Sweden and pursuing higher education. Maria, who has graduated from a higher education, said:

People want to compliment me for having succeeded better than one might expect from someone like me, a foreign person. Then I always say that no, I actually come from a privileged situation, and I have highly educated parents. It was expected of me to pursue higher education […]. It might have looked completely different for me if I grew up in a suburb in Sweden. It might have looked different if the Swedish children I grew up with had decided to be mean because I didn’t speak Swedish or something like that. So, again, this is about prerequisites. I have been lucky to have been spared situations that could have negatively affected my health or choice to study higher education or my future.

When asked what the participants believed was important for pursuing higher education in Sweden, they repeatedly mentioned the importance of close family. Furthermore, parents and siblings were perceived as vital in what they described as the immigration process. Having family nearby was described as crucial for a sense of safety and well-being, both during the migration process and in their new life in Sweden. Additionally, parents were seen as significant for establishing themselves in Swedish society. Participants felt that their parents enabled a sense of a safe and “normal” everyday life in Sweden, providing them with educational opportunities, which enabled their pursuit of higher education. Ana, who has graduated from higher education, said:

My parents are my whole foundation, everything I am [refers to having had the opportunity to pursue education] has been possible thanks to them. Partly because they are good parents but also because they left everything behind and fled to a new country. And fought their way up from living in a refugee camp to getting jobs and making sure we had everything we needed.

Other social relationships, e.g., with instructors and peers within higher education, were also argued as important for establishing themselves in Swedish society. Perceived as a source of social support, these relationships were also linked to favourable living conditions. Paula stated:

In Sweden and Iran, I have had so many “good” adults around me, like teachers. And it has helped me become who I am. I have had so many different role models over the years […]. Seeing how dedicated they are. When they come to work, how happy they are. I also want to get there in life. I also want to develop positively and have a job I enjoy.

Considering the participants’ statements, they believe they have had the right prerequisites to pursue higher education in Sweden. Favourable living conditions were an important part of what was perceived as the right prerequisites for pursuing higher education. A supportive family network, parents who are fluent in Swedish, well-educated, and perceived as well-integrated in Swedish society, were described as factors influential in choosing to pursue higher education. However, alongside such factors, the participants also emphasized the importance of their intrinsic motivation to access and pursue higher education in Sweden. Ana, who has graduated, said: “My motivation was so obvious to me: I am going to pursue this education, I am going to earn this degree.”.

The participant’s intrinsic motivation served as an important enabling factor in pursuing higher education and seemed to originate from the aspiration to create a good life in Sweden. Possessing the motivation needed to influence one’s life and living conditions was argued to foster a sense of security, which was also expressed to encompass individual well-being and overall quality of life in Sweden. Paula said:

My motivation came from wanting to succeed in Sweden. We had left so much behind in our home country. To leave my relatives and friends and everything I was used to naturally affected my well-being negatively. So, in a way, when we came to Sweden, I felt that I needed to be engaged and create a life here in Sweden that I had in Iran.

The narratives highlighting intrinsic motivation became more evident when considering the immigration perspective. Despite benefiting from favourable living conditions, participants also described challenges associated with their migration and establishing processes.

I was the only foreign person in that sense in my class, and school […] it was a bit challenging in the sense of coming in and being different, both in appearance and perhaps language. So, it’s important to be motivated. It’s not always easy. [to integrate]

(Maria, graduated)

Although the participants described having favourable living conditions and intrinsic motivation, there was an awareness that not all immigrants have similar opportunities and prerequisites. The participants felt proud of what they had achieved and wanted to inspire others to pursue higher education. This sentiment is captured in Sofia’s reflection:

In the beginning, I almost felt a bit embarrassed to talk about my higher education in Sweden […]. I felt like I was bragging because maybe I hung out with people whose mothers didn’t speak Swedish or have an education. But then after a while, I felt like it could be inspiring for other people who had migrated to Sweden. I wanted to demonstrate that higher education is possible and that it has a positive impact on life.

By emphasizing favourable living conditions and intrinsic motivation as important enabling factors for pursuing higher education and establishing themselves in Swedish society, the participants provided insights into how different life circumstances appear to influence opportunities in a new society. Furthermore, by clarifying the significance of intrinsic motivation, the participants depict an awareness that, even when external circumstances may be favourable, it is the individual and their internal drives that play a vital role in the decision to pursue higher education.

Theme 2: path to empowerment

This theme illuminates the participants’ thoughts on how migration to Sweden has enhanced their life prospects. The participants felt that living in Sweden had given them access to work and educational opportunities and the confidence to follow their goals in life. However, pursuing higher education as a woman was said to be required and expected from the family and society in their cultures of origin. Thus, as females, higher education was highly valued by the participants and a natural choice. Maria, who had graduated, said:

I think that higher education has always been the plan, or how, to say, my home country is a country where people are well educated. You are expected to get a higher education. Especially for women, a woman should have an education, it’s important. So, I have always known that I would study at the university.

Intrinsic motivation for pursuing higher education was identified under the first theme and was closely related to the participants’ migration to Sweden. Considering their gender as women, the participants felt that this motivation also stemmed from a desire to demonstrate that women can be successful as female immigrants in Sweden.

For women, it can be a bit more challenging to integrate, I mean to move to a new country and then try to integrate into society. Because I always feel that higher demands and expectations are placed on women. They must have an education, they must look good, they should work, but they also must take care of the family. And on top of that, they must learn a new language and a new culture. So, it’s very demanding. You need to have a strong motivation.

(Ana, graduated)

Furthermore, a notion that immigration and the establishment process pose more significant challenges for females compared to males, thus creating unequal opportunities for female immigrants in Sweden, was revealed. Considering this notion, higher education was depicted as necessary for female immigrants to equalize opportunities in their establishment process. Isabell described:

It has been vital for me to prove to myself that I can handle setbacks and that I can take care of myself. If I can complete my education, I think it will significantly impact my future. I think, especially if you are both a woman and an immigrant, I think higher education is important. It becomes much easier to integrate into society. Because it’s not easy to enter a new society, especially as a woman and adult. It is the language and social codes, and there is a lot to think about. If you have a strong motivation, then you can overcome the obstacles.

When discussing the immigration process, the participants also shared experiences of how migration to Sweden had enhanced their life prospects, providing them with opportunities for education and occupation and to reach for their aspirations in life. This was especially true for women coming from more patriarchal societies in their culture of origin. Having the opportunity to pursue an education within their field of interest and desired future occupation was argued as essential and associated with a sense of empowerment in life. For instance, Paula describes:

It’s better here in Sweden to be a woman, compared to Iran, where I lived. You can do exactly what you want here, there are no rules like you must wear a hijab or that I must ask permission from my father […]. In the future, when I see the opportunities enabled by my education, I want to continue doing such things, like working within the field I’m studying and developing within it. I have great faith in the future, I think it will go well, I know roughly where I want to go, and I feel I am on the right path through my education.

The participants’ shared experiences depict a view of higher education as a context that can promote individual independence and empowerment, which is beneficial for establishing themselves in Swedish society. This was argued as vital since they sometimes felt limited in their establishment process. Sofia described the following:

Many women come from other countries, not from Sweden, who are entirely dependent upon men. Men should work and men should study. And women should be housewives. Being dependent on someone else prevents women from feeling well-being […]. But being independent, being out in society alone, will empower women. If I don’t have the empowerment I will get from my education, I cannot fully integrate into Swedish society. If I don’t have a higher education that will provide me with a higher status in Sweden, then the Swedes will always see me as an immigrant.

Higher education was also argued as important for reaching a sense of self-fulfilment. The participants described that higher education had affected their lives positively in different ways. Examples shared were improved job prospects, increased self-confidence, and the development of general knowledge alongside examples of personal development, such as improved communication- and decision-making ability and collaborative skills. Higher education was, consequently, considered to have promoted the participants’ pathway into Swedish society and strengthened their belief in themselves and their capacity to contribute to society. Ana, (graduated) expressed:

My education has been crucial. I don’t know what would have happened if I hadn’t been accepted to my education, I mean it has shaped my life here in Sweden. Higher education leads to a higher salary, it gives me a certain, how can I say, for me, it is a pride to have completed a higher education. And all the knowledge the education has provided me with, by that, it has strengthened me as a person […]. It has strengthened the way I see myself, my independence and so on, [it is] sort of self-fulfilling, to feel that I have a higher education.

Moreover, higher education was perceived as an asset, fostering individual autonomy and strengthening social integration through active engagement in a societal institutional context. Engagement in society, such as in workplaces and educational settings, was described as providing opportunities to connect with others. This was elucidated as a central component of social networking in Sweden. Maria, who had graduated, described how her workplace and higher education had contributed to strengthening her social relationships and social integration in Sweden:

I gained many contacts during my studies, some of which I have maintained. At the same time, I formed just as many contacts while working. […] But higher education has definitely been a source of social connections, and education has facilitated my ability to find jobs. Which in turn has expanded my social circles.

Furthermore, social relationships and social integration were argued as important for the participants’ experience of well-being in Sweden:

Health has connections to various factors in a person’s life you know. For my well-being, it’s important that I feel the ability to participate in society and contribute to something positive. That I feel that I can be independent. Then I feel a sense of security within myself. My independence and my ability to participate in society have positively impacted my mental well-being.

(Paula)

The participants’ experiences of higher education as a pathway to personal growth, self-fulfilment, and a sense of success illustrate the role of higher education in their sense of independence and equal opportunities in Sweden, which is further tied to the concept of empowerment. As women, higher education was especially perceived as an asset that enhances individual autonomy, a sense of empowerment, increased social networking, and improved social integration in Swedish society. Engagement in society, e.g., through higher education and workplaces, was argued to offer possibilities to establish new relationships and broaden social connections in Sweden. Furthermore, active participation in society was described as significant for experiencing well-being.

Theme 3: a sense of belonging in a new society

This theme concerns the participants’ perceptions of experiencing a sense of belonging in a new country and how higher education has contributed to this process. In the interviews, relationships, and social participation were emphasized to establish themselves in Swedish society. Higher education was perceived to enable social connections and increase the number of social relationships. In turn, this was said to have positively affected the participants’ sense of social belonging, contributing to a feeling of cohesion in Swedish society. Paula said:

I think one gains much more cohesion with the help of higher education, especially as an adult. […] You create opportunities for yourself in the future in Sweden, for example, through the jobs you can get. […] Also, student life contributes to making new friends and contacts. Despite everyone having different backgrounds, they are in the same place and share common interests through education.

Furthermore, examples of social capital, such as social relationships and social participation in society, were highlighted for making possible and experiencing well-being in Sweden. Maria, who has graduated, explains the contribution of higher education:

My education and the social aspects it has brought me are what have made me feel so good in life. I had a period in my life when I didn’t feel well. I felt that I hadn’t achieved anything in my life, that I hadn’t finished university for example. But by exposing myself to various social situations, meeting new people, and having them appreciate me. You understand that you can contribute something to a group and find it enjoyable. It [the feeling of being able to engage in social situations and contribute something] has brought me the best well-being I’ve ever experienced.

Nevertheless, negative experiences regarding establishing social relationships in higher education were also shared. Such experiences concerned universities’ work with the inclusion of groups from different cultural backgrounds, argued to prompt sentiments of social marginalization. The feeling of exclusion was further described as harmful to health and well-being. Sofia explained:

I thought higher education would be more open. Where I live is a large city with many people from other countries. Not just from my country, there are many people from India, for example, even at the university […]. When I started my education, the school tried to gather students from cultural backgrounds other than Swedish in one group, for group work and so on. But it didn’t work out very well, and we wondered why they grouped us. In the other groups, it was only Swedes. You feel left out all the time […]. And I wondered why, was it because I couldn’t speak Swedish well, or that I come from another country, or how I dress? I got so tired, and it affected my motivation to go to school. So, I was sick for many days.

Despite facing experiences linked to feelings of exclusion, higher education was perceived to contribute to a sense of belonging in society. Higher education was considered as a form of societal validation that facilitated establishment in Sweden. In the interviews, the significance of being linguistically comprehensible in Swedish, the ability to articulate intricate concepts, and the capacity to collaborate with other people, were emphasized as crucial factors for the pathway into Swedish society. This sense of societal validation and belonging in society was argued important for the sense of well-being in Sweden. Isabell said:

Higher education has been highly beneficial, both for my personal development and for my possibility to establish myself in Sweden. My education has enabled learning and development, e.g. understanding how to collaborate with others and to explain complex things, which makes me more capable of engaging in society, in a workplace for example. Thanks to my education, I feel that I can contribute to Swedish society […]. Because it’s important for the sense of well-being to feel accepted in a society and to feel engaged. I believe that as humans, we need to feel that we belong to a social group and that we are knowledgeable. Everything revolves around the social environment, as humans, we enjoy interacting with other people, and we enjoy being part of society.

Given the participants’ migration background, they perceived higher education as a social context with the possibility of bridging cultures and fostering the establishment process in Swedish society. They described that it felt natural to meet with new cultures in the context of higher education, being thought of as a setting where the presence of students from various cultural backgrounds was common.

In higher education, meeting with other cultures has felt very natural; there is a mix of people from different countries. I think that it has been very positive. And because everyone is in this academic context and is supposed to think according to the academic foundation, it’s as if the studies are a common denominator. For some reason, meeting with other cultures feels more difficult in a workplace or a private setting. For me, as an immigrant and a person who does not belong to Swedish culture, both studying and working have been a way for me to enter Swedish society and to get to know Swedes and other immigrants.

(Ana, graduated)

Interacting with individuals from diverse cultural backgrounds was also thought to contribute to a sense of belonging in Swedish society. Meeting new people was considered educational as it increased knowledge about other cultures and values. Therefore, higher education was argued to contribute with new perspectives, leading to personal development and promoting establishment into Swedish society.

I’ve met people with various cultures and backgrounds in my education and learned a lot. It’s not like I only know everything about my home country and culture anymore. This makes it much easier to meet new people in a new country. The more you know, the easier it is to talk to others, even if they are from different countries.

(Isabell)

During conversations on immigration and integration into Swedish society, the importance of social belonging was highlighted. However, the participants shared that cultural differences can sometimes negatively affect social participation in society. Their culture of origin sometimes contrasted with the Swedish culture and navigating between them sometimes felt challenging. The participants emphasized the importance of balancing between adapting to Swedish culture and simultaneously retaining elements of their culture of origin in their integration process, which was perceived as difficult at times.

There was a period when I tried to assimilate into Swedish society. I began to reject everything related to my homeland because I didn’t want to be associated with anything different […]. But then I felt like I was starting to lose my original language and to forget things from my homeland […]. But now I have found a balance, and it’s okay to belong to my and Swedish cultures […]. With my education and my life, I feel very comfortable with the person I have become, who is not the typical person from my culture, but of course, not the typical from Sweden either. So, it becomes a mix of two worlds, and I hope the best of both worlds. (Maria, graduated)

The ability to balance between and within diverse cultures and feeling established in a new society was also argued as necessary for experiencing well-being. The participants described how the challenges of establishing and adapting to a new culture could sometimes have a negative impact on their well-being. Sofia shares:

When I came to Sweden, it affected my health. The initial period in Sweden was challenging. Adapting to a new culture was tough, and I often felt lonely. That time was terrible when I think about it. It significantly impacted my health. My weight increased a lot, and I was frequently very depressed. […] Now, I feel that I may have adapted more to society and culture. My personality has probably changed, but I feel much better.

In summary, the participants indicate higher education experiences as a favourable context for promoting a sense of belonging in Swedish society. Pursuing higher education was considered to increase their sense of competence and self-confidence when participating in and adapting to Swedish society, and, thus, considered empowering. Furthermore, higher education was experienced to promote social capital by e.g., making possible social relationships. Engaging with individuals from diverse cultural backgrounds within the academic community bridged cultural disparities and social networks expanded. The sense of belonging in social groups and Swedish society was also perceived as positively influencing well-being. Overall, a sense of establishment and acceptance in Swedish society and active engagement in different social contexts was emphasized as necessary for the participants’ experiences of well-being and establishment in Sweden.

Discussion

This study aimed to explore female immigrants’ experiences of higher education and its role in establishing themselves in Swedish society, focusing on their well-being. The results show experiences of higher education being facilitative regarding the process of establishing in Swedish society as a female immigrant. Favourable living conditions, active social participation, personal development, and perceptions of balance between different cultural influences were also highlighted as important factors for the possibility of establishment in a new country. Additionally, the results indicate that higher education can promote social capital and empowerment, necessary for the individual’s opportunity to experience well-being. These results support the idea of social capital and empowerment as crucial factors for the process of immigration, not only for the establishment process as such and the individual’s capacity to establish in a new society but also for experiencing well-being (Awoonor-Williams & Overå, 2022; Kikhia et al., 2021; Lindsjö et al., 2021; Murray et al., 2022).

The present study investigated the role of social capital and empowerment on the well-being of female immigrants. Prior studies have documented negative experiences related to the well-being of this group, stemming from adverse consequences associated with migration, e.g., segregation, poor living conditions, and uncertainty about the future (e.g., Kikhia et al., 2021; Lindsjö et al., 2021). Although they experienced different challenges related to their migration, the results show that the participants experienced a sense of well-being in Sweden. This perceived well-being was attributed to their perception of having favourable living conditions, a social network, and a sense of empowerment in shaping their present life and future opportunities. Additionally, favourable living conditions were identified as promoting social capital, and fostering a sense of empowerment by instilling confidence in the capacity to influence life and future opportunities. Taken together, this could explain participants’ experiences of well-being despite having passed through migration processes and trying to establish themselves in a new society. The possible relationship between social capital and empowerment has been reported in previous literature (Lindström & Eriksson, 2010), where these two factors are described as mutually influencing each other. Immigrants with a sense of social capital, e.g., through social networks and having access to societal resources, empowerment, and the possibility to shape their lives, also tend to experience well-being. Together, social capital and empowerment are described as promoting individuals’ efforts to, e.g., improve existing living conditions (Marin, 2019). The experience of supportive social environments (i.e., social capital) and a sense of independence (i.e., empowerment) among the participants in this study was, similarly, argued to contribute to a sense of well-being enabled by pursuing higher education.

Pursuing higher education in Sweden was a natural choice for the participants. It is enabled by their experiences of favourable living conditions and a strong intrinsic motivation, in contrast to the results of Jack et al.,s study (2019), where immigrants’ path to education was depicted as long and challenging. This inconsistency could be explained by the underlying motives behind the migration process; an aspect not considered in the present study, but also the individuals living conditions in the new country. Furthermore, reasons for migration and living conditions are described as factors that influence immigrant pathways and opportunities to pursue higher education in the new country (e.g., Lenette, 2016). Another possible interpretation of the results is that the immigrants´ situations in the new country, combined with systemic and structural factors, might obstruct their access to higher education (Morrice, 2021). However, participants in this study emphasized the significance of intrinsic motivation, describing it as an enabling factor for pursuing higher education. Considering immigrants’ challenges in accessing and pursuing higher education in a new country is crucial. This discussion highlights the need to distinguish structural and systematic factors (i.e., external, and societal) that may influence female immigrants’ possibility of pursuing higher education from internal and personal factors, such as the individual’s motivation to pursue such goals. The participants’ favourable living conditions and the opportunity to build and acquire social capital and/or empowerment—both important for immigrants seeking higher education and reaching a sense of well-being—do, however, not apply to all immigrants. The relationship between these factors deviates from the current study’s aim, emphasizing the need for additional research into how immigrants can enhance their empowerment and build social capital, irrespective of their migration background and living conditions in the new country. Additionally, it is important to investigate the possibility of fostering social capital and empowerment through structural and societal actions as well as personal circumstances, e.g., living conditions and intrinsic motivation, which, in turn, makes the fostering of social capital and empowerment both a personal as well as a governmental responsibility.

The second theme highlights the participants’ aspirations to succeed in the new country, influencing their decision to pursue higher education in Sweden. The results show that higher education enabled personal development and self-fulfilment, in line with previous studies on female immigrants (e.g., Sadeghi, 2008). An intriguing finding was the argumentation of gender (female) as decisive for the decision to pursue higher education. The participants described that pursuing higher education was considered important in their culture of origin, thereby making the step to higher education natural. However, previous studies on female immigrants do suggest that cultural gender norms from the country of origin might instead constrain female immigrants in the new country, particularly regarding participation in social life, such as the educational context (Awoonor-Williams & Overå, 2022; Bennet & Lindström, 2018). The results of this study indicate that the choice to undertake and pursue higher education is the result of the participant’s influence over one’s own life. It should, however, be mentioned that the results are based on individual narratives and that these life stories may not be the same as those of others who might face more, or other kinds of challenges when undergoing and pursuing higher education. The participants did, however, perceive the process of establishing themselves in a new society as more difficult as compared to men, something which previous research also shows and that is associated with a sense of limited social capital (Bennet & Lindström, 2018; Grottvall et al., 2019) and empowerment (Awoonor-Williams & Overå, 2022). Like other results, there might be individual differences concerning experienced possibilities in the new society, where, e.g., the favourable living conditions experienced by the participants in this study may have affected their overall experience in a positive way. In turn, this indicates that female immigrants without such favourable living conditions might experience greater challenges in establishing themselves in a new society compared to men and other females, depending on their background and their present living conditions.

The third theme highlights the importance of a sense of belonging for establishing in a new society (see e.g., Osman et al., 2020), further indicating the role of individual social capital, facilitated and formed by social relationships and participation in enabling establishment (e.g., Marin, 2019; Putnam, 1993). This finding supports previous research linking integration to adequate social capital (Murray et al., 2022). Higher education is argued to promote individuals’ social capital in a new society by e.g., improving socio-economic conditions and social status. Senses of increased social status are, in turn, argued to contribute to feelings of contributing to the new society and senses of belonging (Lenette, 2016; Sadeghi, 2008). The findings of this study further support the idea that a degree in higher education opens doors to e.g., employment, independence, and social network participation. According to the participants, higher education was also considered to lead to self-fulfilment and a sense of accomplishment. This finding is consistent with other research showing that higher education increases female immigrants’ sense of empowerment in their new society (e.g., Sadeghi, 2008). Additionally, the results of this study provide credence to the idea that a degree in higher education can empower people since experiences of independence and self-fulfilment affect people’s perceptions of their agency in shaping their own lives and futures (Popay, 2010). Empowerment (Popay, 2010) is previously described as affecting different lifestyle factors, such as material and social conditions (Marin, 2019; Popey, 2010), which, in turn, has an impact on the individual’s sense of well-being (Green et al., 2019; Marin, 2019). The lack of health-promoting lifestyle factors, including low social capital and limited sense of empowerment, are examples of underlying factors for female immigrants experiencing establishment as a challenging process, consequently negatively impacting their well-being (Bennet & Lindström, 2018). To immigrate and establish in a new society is a process that affects various aspects of an individual’s life, such as culture and values, employment, social participation, and well-being (Ager & Strang, 2008). Consequently, it becomes vital to consider the role of higher education in promoting the pathway into a new society, particularly given the possible positive impact of higher education on several factors associated with this. In line with previous studies, this study demonstrates that higher education can facilitate interaction between different cultures and social relationships, employment opportunities, and perceived social status (e.g., Jack et al., 2019; Lenette, 2016; Sadeghi, 2008).

Taken together, the results support the idea that social capital and empowerment hold significance for female immigrants’ perceived well-being (Lindsjö et al., 2021) and for establishing themselves in a new society (Awoonor-Williams & Overå, 2022; Murray et al., 2022). Based upon the current narratives and in line with previous studies (e.g., Lenette, 2016; Sadeghi, 2008), higher education can be suggested as a context with possibilities of promoting social capital and empowerment of female immigrants, thus also promoting establishment in and meeting with a new culture and a sense of well-being. This result can be explained by several factors: firstly, higher education seems to promote personal development, supporting individuals navigating new social environments, as emphasized in this study and previous research (e.g., Jack et al., 2019). Secondly, higher education and the academic context were regarded as inclusive and beneficial for fostering a sense of belonging despite diverse cultural backgrounds. This result aligns with previous studies showing that higher education appears to have the potential to facilitate encounters between different cultural groups and the surrounding society (Colak et al., 2022; Lenette, 2016). In line with the view of integration as a form of cultural contact, implying not only the meeting but also the blending of two cultures (Berry, 1997), the results highlight the importance of adapting to Swedish culture while simultaneously retaining essential elements from the culture of origin. Such a balancing act was also argued to support and maintain the participants’ senses of well-being. While individual differences may involve different experiences of this type of cultural navigation, this may not be true for other female immigrants. For some, it may not even be possible due to expectations, norms, attitudes, and structural and societal factors that affect an individual’s ability to reach and maintain such a cultural contact. One participant felt excluded because of how the university handled the inclusion of students from diverse nationalities, which could lead to problems in intercultural encounters due to structural factors. For example, in some classes, native-born students and immigrant students were separated, which prevented the blending of cultures. This could be viewed as counterproductive in promoting integration or establishment in society. Furthermore, feeling isolated was considered detrimental to the sense of well-being since social affiliation is vital for integration and well-being.

Consequently, and as emphasized by Ager and Strang (2008), integration is a complex process. It should, therefore, be noted that higher education has challenges in fostering inclusion and facilitating cultural bridging (e.g., Ager & Strang, 2008). As students with migration backgrounds often experience expectations to assimilate into the new culture while simultaneously attempting to balance their culture of origin and the new one, integration within and through higher education has been critically examined in previous studies (e.g., Colak et al., 2022; Lewis, 2021). From a sociological standpoint, integration processes necessitate social participation, enabling interaction between immigrants and the native population (Ager & Strang, 2008). The significance of social integration for individuals’ experiences of well-being identified in this study, alongside the importance of social participation for promoting integration (Ager & Strang, 2008), highlights the role of social capital for immigrants’ opportunities to establish themselves in a new society (Marin, 2019; Murray et al., 2022). However, depending on structural factors and, in this example, an institution interested in and aimed at creating an atmosphere that supports and enables cultural bridging, the findings do show that higher education may be advantageous for developing cultural bridging. It can be assumed that higher education can foster and build immigrants’ social capital and ease the process of integrating into a new society while lowering segregation risks. However, there seem to be certain requirements for the individual and higher education in an institutional setting.

Conclusion and implications

In conclusion, the individual narratives provided by this study depict higher education as a context with the possibility to promote social capital and empowerment and facilitate female immigrants’ establishment in Swedish society. According to the voices in this study, entering and pursuing higher education can positively impact the perception and experience of well-being, alongside improving future opportunities as a female immigrant in Sweden. However, facilitating inclusivity, alongside creating opportunities and spaces for encounters and bridging between cultures within the context of higher education, appears to be a prerequisite for immigrants to experience well-being. This is especially important to consider since a feeling of exclusion negatively affects the individual’s sense of well-being, as per the participants’ statements. For this reason, the importance of an inclusive and diverse atmosphere in higher education must be stressed.

As per the results, the participants felt they possessed qualities that enabled them to enrol in, pursue, and graduate in higher education in Sweden. Intrinsic motivation also seemed crucial for completing all these phases and was shown among the participants. This kind of personal drive also appears essential for overcoming obstacles encountered while pursuing higher education, such as difficulties with language and feelings of marginalization brought on by cultural differences. Personal differences might, thus, alongside structural, and systemic issues, influence an individual’s ability to pursue higher education, further highlighting the importance of exercising caution regarding the possible transferability of the results of this study. Being a complex and highly personal experience, individuals might experience the pathway to higher education differently, with varying thoughts on possible obstacles and prerequisites.

Simultaneously, the results indicate the possible role of higher education in promoting establishment in a new country, underscoring the importance of facilitating such a pathway for immigrants, and perhaps, especially for female immigrants who do not experience themselves having the prerequisites of making participation in higher education possible. With higher education being described as a pathway to empowerment, this can be considered especially important, not least since feelings of empowerment can facilitate an increased sense of influence on one’s own life in Sweden, promoting the possibility of obtaining employment, social relationships, and proficiency in the Swedish language, in turn, essential for a sense of belonging. Influence and a sense of belonging are linked to the development of social capital, which can promote the enabling of environmental factors such as employment, economic stability, social relationships, and community support. As these factors collectively contribute to a sense of a stable and fulfiling life, they can also be argued as important for an individual’s well-being.

This study has brought attention to the need for further studies on the subject. One suggestion is to conduct more comprehensive studies investigating female immigrants’ perceptions of the prerequisites for pursuing higher education in Sweden, including societal and structural perspectives. Such studies could yield further knowledge of possible support for this group to enrol in and pursue higher education, which would have practical and research-related applications.

Promoting an interest in pursuing higher education is important given its possible role in facilitating immigrants’ establishment in society and its seemingly possible impact on perceived well-being. By exploring the possibilities of higher education to promote inclusion and establishment in a new society, valuable insights might be reached that can support and influence practical guidelines aimed at bridging cultures in higher education and possibly promoting immigrants’ establishment in society in general. This reasoning further highlights the need for educational institutions and policymakers to consider the importance of facilitating cultural bridging. Adopting an approach of cultural inclusivity might enable students—new and old—to experience a sense of inclusion in the higher educational context. Another suggestion for future research is studies that address factors such as the reasons behind migration and immigrants’ living conditions, their possible impact on immigration as such, on the pathway to higher education, and an individual’s establishment in a new society. Such studies could provide important insights and perspectives for future initiatives to promote the establishment and well-being of female immigrants.

Limitations

It is necessary to acknowledge the potential limitations of this study. Firstly, interviews were conducted via digital video meetings, which might have impacted the data quality and skewed the perception of participants’ stories, compromising the study’s credibility. Despite their proficiency in the language, participants’ non-Swedish mother tongue did cause some communication issues throughout the interviews. The first author, in addition to ongoing talks with the other two, has critically assessed and theoretically interpreted the results to increase the study’s credibility and dependability despite possible limits in the data quality. The limited number of participants is another possible limitation as it may have reduced the empirical data and, in turn, the diversity of the results, providing individual perspectives on the researched matter rather than results with possible transferability to other contexts.

Related to individual perspectives, another possible limitation is the lack of consideration of reasons behind migration in the selection criteria, i.e., why migration was necessary for the participants. Current selection criteria meant a challenging recruitment process, implying that additional criteria could have further complicated the process, especially since the research objective was female immigrants’ experiences of higher education.

Despite these limitations, this study constitutes an important contribution to the area, which can promote an increased understanding of female immigrants’ lives and possible challenges and opportunities, alongside necessary prerequisites for establishing in the new society and in what ways higher education might contribute to this.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

The authors report there is no funding associated with the work featured in this article.

Notes on contributors

My Blomberg

Jennie Ryding PhD, is a senior lecturer at University West and a researcher at Halmstad University. Her main research interest is professional learning and knowledge development with a particular focus on reflection, experience, and the complementary character of different forms of knowledge. An emerging research interest is immigrants’ establishment in society, by and through different societal contexts as well as the role of civic society organizations in promoting health and well-being in children and adolescents.

Jennie Ryding

My Blomberg is a master’s student at Halmstad University, pursuing a Master’s degree in the field of health and lifestyle. She has a particular interest in global health and health and lifestyle issues related to migration and immigration. Outside of academia, she is involved in integration efforts in Stockholm, where she primarily works to promote the health and well-being of immigrants, aiming to strengthen integration and individual autonomy in a new society.

Krister Hertting

Krister Hertting is an associate professor in pedagogy at Halmstad University. His main research interests include pedagogical and multicultural perspectives on sports, school, and well-being among young people, as well as young newcomers’ inclusion in different societal contexts.

Appendix 1.

Excerpt from analysis schedule

Table

Participant	Data extract	Code	Theme
Paula	“I think that one gains a lot more cohesion with the help of higher education, especially as an adult. […] You create opportunities for yourself in the future in Sweden, for example, through the jobs you can get. […] Also, student life contributes to making new friends and contacts. Despite everyone having different backgrounds, they are in the same place and share common interests through education”	Social contexts important for participation in a society	A sense of belonging in a new society
Isabell	“Higher education has been highly beneficial, both for my personal development and for my chance to establish myself in Sweden. My education has enabled learning and development, e.g., understanding how to collaborate with others and to explain complex things, which makes me more capable to engage in society, in a workplace for example. Thanks to my education, I feel that I can contribute to Swedish society […]. Because it’s important for well-being to feel accepted in a society and to feel engaged. I believe that as humans, we need to feel that we belong to a social group and that we are knowledgeable. Everything revolves around the social environment, as humans, we enjoy interacting with other people, we enjoy being part of society.”	Sense of community important for well-being New values and perspective	A sense of belonging in a new society
Maria	“I think that higher education has always been the plan, or how to say, my home country is a country where people are well educated. It is expected of you to get a higher education. Especially for women; a woman should have an education, it’s important. So, I have always known that I was going to study at the university.”	View of being a woman	Path to empowerment
Ana	“My education has been crucial. I don’t know what would have happened if I hadn’t been accepted to my education, I mean it has shaped my life here in Sweden. Higher education leads to a higher salary, it gives me a certain, how can I say, for me, it is a pride to have been able to complete a higher education. And all the knowledge the education has provided me with, by that, it has strengthened me as a person […]. It has strengthened the way I see myself, my independence and so on, sort of self-fulfilling, to feel that I have a higher education”	Higher education promotes self-fulfilment	Path to empowerment
Sofia	“In the beginning, I almost felt a bit embarrassed to talk about my higher education in Sweden […]. I felt like I was bragging because maybe I hung out with people whose mothers didn’t speak Swedish or have an education. But then after a while, I felt like it could be inspiring for other people who had migrated to Sweden. I wanted to demonstrate that higher education is possible and that it has a positive impact on life.”	View of life The experience of living conditions	Enabling factors for access to higher education
Ana	“My parents are my whole foundation, everything I am has been possible thanks to them. Partly because they are good parents but also because they left everything behind and fled to a new country. And fought their way up from living in a refugee camp to getting jobs and making sure we had everything we needed.”	The importance of family	Enabling factors for access to higher education